Department of Political Science
Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/96
Browse
15 results
Search Results
Item Open Access Participatory democracy and grassroots governance in India : a study of the nature of people's participation in gram sansads in Paschim Medinipur District, West Bengal(University of North Bengal, 2023) Lama, Budh Bahadur; Chakrabarti, DyutisDissatisfaction results from representatives acting more in accordance with party choices than with the will of the people, rather than from a lack of consistency between public aspirations and deeds. Such situations have led to the demand of popular participation in the decision making and gained a popular acceptance. Jn this context 'participatory democracy' has emerged in an attempt to recapture people's power to determine their own fate and to correct the inadequacies of representative democracy. From this point view, paticipation is democracy. The idea of participatory democracy bas been encouraged in India by guaranteeing a constitutional status (73rd Constitutional Amendment Act 1992) to the local level institutions including Gram Sabha. One of the most important provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment is setting up of Gram Sabha in the lower tier of Panchayats, known as Gram Panchayat with the adult citizens of concerned areas to ensure direct participation of ordinary rural people in local governance. Therefore, the title of the study is 'Participatory Democracy and Grassroots Governance in India: A Study of the Nature of People's Participation in Gram Sansads of Paschim Medinipur District, West Bengal' divided into seven following Gram Sansads of Paschim Medinipur District, West Bengal' divided into seven following chapters: Chapter I: Introduction This chapter consists of the statement of the problem, review of literature, objectives of the study, research questions, methodological premises, chapterisation and rationale of the study. tudy. Statement of the problem West Bengal is one of the pioneer states in India to experiment the pancbayats as governing bodies at the village level since independence and particularly after 1977. West Bengal has tried invariably to extend the process of democratic decentralisation beyond the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act (CAA). So, it has taken a step forward by making the provision for Gram Sansad apart from Gram Sabha. Gram Sabha is constituted at Gram Panchayat level and Gram Sansad at each electoral constituency or 'booth' level with all voters of the concerned constituency. By introducing Gram Sansad, it is assumed that, unlike a huge Gram Sabha with a large size population, this relatively smaUer unit will enhance the prospect of people's participation and create a truly decentralised local governing body. Ln fact, Gram Sansad is the lowest unit of the entire system of rural local self-government in West Bengal. It is the 'real soul' of village democracy. Tt is a system where all the villagers themselves are collectively their own local affairs. So, Gram Sansad is the centre of democratic power in the village and is the centre of developmental activity. It not only strengthens the process of participatory governance but also facilitates empowerment of ordinary rural people and brings the elements of transparency, accountability and social control over panchayats. It is a platform based entirely on people's voice. It has the potential to change the noise of the people into the voice of the people. However, without active and popular participation, Gram Sansads will not be able to play its real role as designed by the policy makers in the state of West Bengal. So, the potentiality of Gram Sansad is conditioned by its length of uses in the given rural environment. Therefore, the inclusive and participatory grassroots governance is still remaining a distance dream for the ordinary villagers. At the same time, tbe usefulness of this unique structure of Gram Sansad as an effective instrument to ensure decentralized decision making and participatory local government has been questioned. It has been argued that common people are not interested in the meetings/deliberations of Gram Sansads. Majority does not attend or participate in deliberations. Often people participate in meetings only to satisfy local leaders and to increase numbers. They do not raise issues. The Sansads are actuaUy guided and controlled by a small group of local leaders or a local oligarchy. fn this context, it is necessary to examine the actual functioning of Gram Sansads to capture the nature of participatory institutions oflndia's Panchayati Raj system. Whether the institutions and structures created to ensure decentralised decisions and participatory democracy, are gradually becoming only theoretical or procedural and instruments in the hands oflocal elites, is a matter that needs attention. Therefore, to probe this point, the focus of present study is on nature of participation in Gram Sansads in West Bengal, in this case particularly, Paschim Medinipur district. Objectives of the Study The chief objective of the study has been to investigate the basic issue: How far have the Gram Sansads been able to emerge at the local (village) level as an effective arrangement that ensure participatory government in villages? Or are the Sansads just another ornamental arrangement? The point is investigated in Paschim Medinipur district. There are some specific objectives or sub-objectives which try to realise main objective: 1. To study how far the objectives of Gram Panchayats as laid down by the West Bengal Panchayat (Amendment) Acts 1994 and 2003, have been implemented and achieved in Paschim Medinipur; and to examine the powers and functions of Gram Sansad in Paschirn Medinipur district. 2. To explore the nature of people's participation in Gram Sansads in Paschim Medinipur with regard to decision-making and deliberation. 3. To examine the roles of political parties in strengthening the process of people's participation in Gram Sansads in Paschim Medinipur district. Research questions There are few major research questions which are as follows. 1. ls Gram Sansad strong enough to raise the voice of the ordinary rural people in Paschim Medinipur district? 2. Do all the people fully participate in the process of governance at the Sansad level in Paschim Medinipur district? 3. Are the Gram Sabhas/Gram Sansads decision-making bodies in Paschim Medinipur district? 4. Whether Gram Panchayats are politically biased in Paschim Medinipur district? Study area and Research methods The study focuses on the Gram Sansads of the Paschim Medinipur district which is situated in tbe south-west comer of West Bengal and is adjacent to the State of Odisha in its south-west. Paschim Medinipur district was created in 2002 by bifurcating the erstwhile Midnapore district. Later, in 2017 a new Jhargram district has been created out of the western part of Paschim Medinipur district. The present work which was started before 2017, however, includes one block from the newly created Jhargram district. As per the Government of West Bengal report 2011, Paschim Medinipur district consists of 4 Subdivisions, 29 Blocks, 29 Panchayat Samitis, 290 Gram Pancbayats and 3086 Gram Sansads. But at present the district has only 3 Subdivisions. The present study being theoretical and empirical in nature has followed the review of literatures and survey methods. So, keeping in mind a fair representation of people, 20 Gram Sansads have been selected for the field study on the basis of following criteria. (i) advanced Gram Sansads and backward Gram Sansads based on poverty and human development; (ii) Gram Sansads dominated by general caste, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and Women; (iii) one party dominated Gram Sansads by Ruling party or Opposition, Gram Sansads changing hands (competitive), and Gram Sansads with no clear domination (fragmented); (iv) Gram Sansads which achieved targets and failed to achieve targets. In addition, 400 hundred villager respondents, 40 elected panchayat members, 20 party leaders from different political parties and 5 government officials including Block Development Officer (BOO) have been interviewed during the field visit. Chapter Tl: Towards Participatory Governance in India: The Evolution of Panchayati Raj Institutions Jt outlines the history of evolution of PRls in pre-independent and post-independent India. The local government may be understood as an institutional arrangement to create locally elected democratic bodies essentially accountable to the local people. The term 'participatory governance' refers to a system which includes a set of grassroots organisations such as local self-government, civil society organisations, local functional groups, and even influential individuals. Therefore, the form of grassroots democracy in India refers primarily to the constitutional provisions of the Constitution (73rd Amendment) Act and the Constitution (74th Amendment) Act and the emerging role of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRls) and Nagar Palika Institutions (NPls). Panchayati Raj is a system and process of governance at the village level. Local government is not a new phenomenon in India. Panchayat acted as a mechanism to administer justice, to settle down disputes, and to solve the day-to-day problem. It was regarded as the fundamental unit of administration and justice. The system existed in the Vedic period and is still continuing to function on the principles of decentralisation and people's participation in the decision making at the local level even after having facing lot of challenges. History of evolution of Panchayati Raj Institutions tells us that panchayats in India had to go through difficulties and complexities to reach the level where it is accepted as one of the vibrant democratic local governments in the history of grassroots governance. Gram pancbayats are the doorstep government of the people. It is really a people's government. Gram Sabha as a plate form for participation ensures people's participation in the process of decision-making and formulation of development plan at the grassroots level. People of the villages can directly participate in the system of governance. Chapter III: Gram Panchayats in West Bengal: Historical Evolution and People's Participation This chapter provides a detail about the experiments and experiences ofrural local selfgovernment in West Bengal. The chapter starts with a brief profile of West Bengal followed by the discussion on Gram Panchayats and people's participation in West Bengal with a time framework ( 1870- 1977). The chapter also contains analysis oft he feanires of tbe West Bengal Pancbayat Act of 1973 and highlights the importance of the Act of 1973 in the following stages of the rural governance in West Bengal. The chapter also discusses about the role of Gram Panchayats and the nature of People's Participation in local affairs during the Left Front regime in West Bengal; describes the position of Gram Sabha/Gram Sansad in the post-73rd Constitutional Amendment scenario; discusses the power and functions of Gram Panchayat and the natme of People's Panicipation in West Bengal in the context of present Scenario; highlights the Participatory [nitiatives and Innovations in Panchayat System in West Bengal. Chapter IV: Rural Local Self-Government in Paschim Medinipur district during Left Front Goverome-nt: Structure, Functions and people' participation Jt covers the nature of policies, institutional structures, strategies and process of people's participation in PRis under Left Front government in Paschim MedinipU1· district. The chapter begins with a brief introduction of the district undertaken for the study and it also includes the analytical aspects on the role of Rural Local Self-Government during the Left Front regime; discusses the Strnctures of the Gram Panchayats in Paschim Medinipur Ojstrict; shows the Functional difficulties and bureaucratic supremacy faced by Gram Panchayats during the Left Regime; discusses the Dominance of Party in the three-tiers of Panchayat System; examines the nature of People's Participation in the Activities of Gram Panchayats and a brief profile of Paschim Medinipur District Today. Chapter V: Nature and Extent of People's Participation in the Gram Sansads in Paschim M edinipur district This chapter contains the various tables of data. collected from the field along with data analyses. This chapter also contains the determinants of people's participation in village governance in Pasch.im Medinipur district and the characterisation of the concept of people's participation on the basis of attending meetings, raising voices on various local issues and providing comments and contributions being made by the ordinary rural people in the context local affairs. The chapter includes the socio-economic and political level of consciousness of 400 vii !age respondents (200 male and 200 female); 40 elected members of Gram Panchayats; 20 local political leaders f om different parties; and 05 government officials including BDO. Chapter VI: Power to the Gram Sansad: Awareness of Elected Panchayat Members, Local Party Leaders and Government Officials It explores the views of all the stakeholders towards whether the Gram Sansad as a participatory institution at the grassroots level in Pascbim Medinipur district or not. The chapter also includes various questions and responses of all the respondents that detennine their perceptions and awareness of the potentiality of the Gram Sansads in the district. Power to people and its enemies seems to be relatively true in connection to enabling Gram Sansads in the district. Similarly, the roles played by the elected members, local pary leaders and government officials are not encouraging in regard to evolve the Gram Sansad as a real decision-making body, participatory and deliberative village assembly in Paschim Medinipur district, West Bengal. Chapter VII: Conclusion It figures out the major findings of the research work and recommends Gram Sansad as a direct participatory democratic grassroots institution in Paschim Medinipur district in particular and in the state of West Bengal in general. Major Findings It must be mentioned that the institution of Gram Sansad provides the way of direct participation lo the villagers in the affairs of Panchayat. Gram Sansad has provided the scope for participation of ordinary rnral people in the decision-making process. Gram Sansad at the constituency level gives sufficient opportunity to the villagers to empower themselves through participation. The ideas of villagers are partly reproduced in the actions of Gram Panchayat. However, Gram Sansad is able to decrease the traditional 'patron-client relationshjp' at the village level. But in reality, Gram Sansad has been made to go about as a remote-controlled establishment by the ruling elites. This all-inescapable controlling demeanour is an impediment to develop the participatory political culture in rural society of Paschirn Medinipur. The study found that the majority of villagers do not attend Panchayat meetings and do not participate -in decisionmaking process and in the process of implementation of development programmes even at the Gram Sansad level. Few villagers who have attended the Sansad meetings with no voice or the participate the meetings as a proxy and take all the decisions. It is also found that most of these elected members are not having any knowledge about the Gram Panchayat manuals, their rights, their responsibilities. development work, old Panchayat Acts, 73rd Amendment Act and State Panchayat Act and the others due to many reasons like poor economic background, guided by party leaders. lack of proper education, lack of exposure to the world outside, lack of proper training for doing panchayat activities, lack of capacity building programmes, etc. Large number of villagers have not attended the Gram Sansad meetings. Villagers remain silent and submissive to the ruling party as they know their opinions are hardly be accepted in themeetings. No free and friendly environment for the ordinary villagers in the Gram Sansad meetings. A fear-psychosis continues in their minds if they stand for anti-ruling elites. It is found that Gram Sansad is not strong enough to raise the voices of the ordinary villagers and it is not a real decision-making body at the Sansad level. The villagers believed that Gram Sansad does not have the sufficient autonomy to take the decisions of its own due to inadequate devolution of freedom, funds, functions and functionaries. These limitations have curtailed the vertical and horizontal potential expansion of Gram Sansad as a self-governing grassroots unit at the Sansad level. So. it is unable to function as a participatory decentralized body at the Sansad level. The list of recipients of development schemes is prepared before the Gram Sansad meetings by the rural dominants. And these lists of recipients are brought by them in the Gram Sansad meetings for approval only. Indeed, negligible individuals' involvement in the Sansad 's decision-making process is not so helpful lo bring about revolutionary changes in the existing hierarchical power structure. There is no such advancement in the process of people's participation in Gram Sansad affairs and no breakthrough in the process of power devolution to Gram Sansad even after the shift in power in the State in 2011 and subsequently in the district in 2013. Rather the Grassroots self-governing institutions like Gram Sansad and Gram Unnayan Samiti are becoming weak in the areas of 4Fs (Fund, Functions, Functionaries and Freedom) under this new regime. So, as a maner of fact, the importance of institution is getting declined. People have already started attending party called meeting instead of attending Sansad meetings. The present government of West Bengal is more focused on increasing the power of rural bureaucracy instead of strengthening the elected Panchayat members capable to delivery services to the people at the village level. So, villagers are being pushed on by the State to become dependent entities on rural bureaucrats. Here villagers have to depend upon two power elites - bureaucrats and party leaders. This culture of dependency has further weakened people's body even at the Sansad level. However, villagers are still having confidence that Gram Sansad has the power to enable the villagers to fi-ame their lives as per their desires. In fact, Gram Sansad has enonnous prospect in escalating the human abilities in local self-government in Paschim Medinipur district. To conclude, Gram Sansad has the ability to emerge at the village level as an effective arrangement that ensure participatory government in villages. This can be a reality only wheo each villagers including the poorest of the poor will be recognised with dignity and given the equal share of influential engagement in Sansad affairs. And Gram Sansads should be kept free from all kinds of restraints like political, social, economy, cultural, religious, etc. Otherwise, the Gram Sansad continues to be an ornamental arrangement in the political landscape of rural Bengal. The study also recommends that lhere should be least intervention of the political party in the effective and efficient functioning of the Gram Sansads in West Bengal particularly in Paschim Medinipur district. The role of party cannot be totally ignored in the existing system of electoral politics. fn fact, the political pa1iy can play a role catalyst to bring all the villagers including poorest of the poor into a common platform in which the culture of collectivism, belief on communal harmony, respect to diversity, community development. social justice, social responsibility, etc. may get the extra mileage. The sense of belonging to community rule with multi-cultural values at the Sansad level may lead to devalue the role of rural party oligarchy in the decision-making process and deliberative democratic system in West Bengal particularly in Paschim Medinipur.IndiaItem Open Access Media and regional movements: an examination of the role of print media in the hill politics since the emergence of Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha Movement in Darjeeling(University of North Bengal, 2024) Kepchaki, Jaya; Dural, RameshMedia and politics are at the edge of relationship in a functioning democracy. Despite their divergent missions, it is a symbiotic correlation. Political forces turn to the public to motivate their actions, to campaign for their ideas and to win people's trust. Media, in turn, have to inform people about politics and to exercise control over politicians when the latter perform their duties. The present study is an attempt to explore the role of the media in the movement for a separate state under the Gorkha Jana MuktiMorcha (GJMM) in the hills of Darjeeling and for the purpose of making the study more penetrating; the focus has been restricted only to print media. The study was conducted to focus the issue of the role of the print media in a regional movement. One may notice divergent views expressed and positions taken by different publications. While some of these favoured the movement, others opposed it. There is a section which has taken a kind of 'neutral' position, neither opposing nor supporting the course of action of the movement. The overall impact of this movement on the national, state and sub-state level politics has been highlighted in the media. The study elaborately historicizes the movement since its inception and points out that there have been significant contributions from scholars with regard to its historical, psychological, political, economic, ethnic and other dimensions, however, no systematic study have been made to address the role of print media in the context of the political movements in the hills of Darjeeling.The study proposes to highlight the role of the media, specifically the print media, in shaping and constructing people's perspectives on the movement. The study further elaborates the roots of political movements in the hills of Darjeeling. It highlights the significance and the emergence of major political parties in the hills, and tries to establish their role in exploring and exploiting the media in the context of the movement. The study proposes to establish that in case of the Gorkhaland movement, print media, along with other media forms was mobilized by the leadership since the inception of the movement, that is, from the colonial period in the 1920s to the 1980s and the post 2007. In the recent times, however, controversies surrounding the politics over the media itself have taken ground, with strong voices of the necessity of democratizing the media itself. These owe to multiplicity of factors like market forces, unethical turn in journalism, ideological differences, role of the state, interest of the dominant group, depleting resources, among others. Yet, media in general and print media in particular has significantly shaped the Gorkhaland movement since its inception, validating it, accelerating it and empowering it at times; and weakening it, relegating it and uprooting it at the other, thereby determining its life, course, content and contours.Item Open Access Civil society based organizations and urban environmental movements : A study of sclect civil society collective actions in North Bengal(University of North Bengal, 2024) Shome, Shubhajeet; Chakraborty, RanjitaItem Open Access Politics of tribal development : organizing adivasi movements in Dooars and Terai region of North Bengal since 2007(University of North Bengal, 2023) Roy, Purnima; De, SoumitraThe term ‘Adivasi’ is derived from the Hindi language and is used to refer to the indigenous peoples of India. The term is broadly used to refer to a range of tribal peoples, such as the Santals, Mundas, Oraons, and other related peoples. The Dooars and Terai region of North Bengal is home to a large number of Adivasi peoples. The Adivasis came in this region through the colonial tea plantation and eventually settled here but gradually they became outnumbered by other immigrants as days went by. They have been marginalized and excluded from traditional power structures due to their poor economic and social status. Historically, the Adivasi communities of this region have faced extreme forms of oppression, exploitation, and discrimination. The growing sickness of tea gardens forced many, particularly the menfolk, to migrate to other states in search of other occupations making this area a point in the chain of trafficking. Lack of education and employment combined with forces of cultural assimilation and political marginalization made them look for remedy, first through NGO formation, and finally as an important sub regional political player. Our study, spread over three tribal blocks, involving both field survey with structured questions and intensive interviews of leaders, has helped understanding the Adivasi Movement represented by ABAVP as having a political context and also the consequences. The ABAVP started as a NGO in Dooars and Terai, but gradually it changed the nature of movement for the tribal people in this area. Instead of just voicing demands it emerged as a political player and negotiated with the political parties. The tribal leaders while leading the movements tried to capture the power and when the leaders achieved their goal the movement lost its militancy. The educated tribal leadership steered the movement through controlling organization. Though the ordinary tribal population participated in the movement they did not have must organizational representation. The resurgence of the Gorkhaland Movement from 2007 end onwards brought the plantations tribals of Dooars and Terai into the thick of state politics but it also made a section of tribal leaders alive to the grim threat that political splits along party line in practice meant that they must be marginalized in terms of the socio-cultural, ethnic, economic and political fronts. In these background, a very interesting shift in the region's politicsstarted taking shape after the formation of ABAVP as an NGO. During current political regime in West Bengal the tribal movement as led by ABAVP is largely institutionalized in the sense that the leaders initially sided with the movement for Gorkhaland but eventually got divided for and against the inclusion of tribal mauzas under Gorkhaland Territorial Administration. Some leaders of ABAVP have got some avenues of power through Tribal Development Board and many of the demands have been fulfilled. The movement is now institutionalized in the sense that they have taken a political turn, some aligning with regional/national parties. The research work highlighted that the economic and education condition of the people in this society are very poor. Most of the Adivasi people in Dooars and Terai live as tea garden workers. The research survey also observed that the maximum number of tribal people are fully dependent on the tea garden and live in tea garden areas of the garden quarters. It is also revealed from the study that education is important determinant for establishing a responsible and conducive healthcare regime in the region. The study shows that the Adivasi people in this region are highly illiterate. It has also been noticed during survey in different blocks that Adivasi people are not informed and updated about the govt. policies and programmes which have been implemented by the govt. ABAVP as an organization has also been subordinate to the national level and state level leadership and common local tribal population do not hold any significant position. They are not getting a chance to contest an election as a candidate; they are used as a crowd by the other leaders. Most of the Adivasis people are guided by the local leaders, and the leaders decide whom to cast their vote to, and sometimes it is done forcefully. The NGO movement in Dooars and Terai reveals a dichotomy, a contrast between groups pursuing identity-based politics and those engaged in constructive development. In this sense, the NGO provides a platform to respond to developmental needs and political assertions of the tribal front in the Dooars and Terai plantation sectors. The new leaders of ABAVP have been trying to emphasize developmental activism in place of advocacy for political activities. Nevertheless,there is a lack of clarity among the tribal people about aspects of conservation of tribal tradition and forces of assimilation, something that may be the price for political institutionalization of a tribal movement in democratic process.Item Open Access Environmental governance and women in Sikkim : a study of actors and network since 1994(University of North Bengal, 2023) Bhutia, Tseten Uden; De, SoumitraOver a decade and a half. the environmental movement in Sikkim has witnessed several changes, particularly since 1994. when Sikkim Democratic Front came to power. The objective of environmental protection remains, but the activism has committed itself to addressing many more issues. Analyzing the success or failure of the traditional method of governance, which could have been replaced by a new form of governance known as New Environmental Governance ( NEG). The new form of governance has introduced an idea of activism that has risen beyond the distinctions of class, gender, and region. The idea or participation. collaboration, and collectiveness based on selfless service and representation has emerged. Sikkim has been on a march towards sustainable development or 'Green· development, respecting the values and importance of natural resources and the lives dependent on them. For the same, various green policies have been formulated and implemented through State and Centre-led initiatives Such initiatives in a sense ha,e been accused of not being inclusive oft he aspirations and sentiments of the local population. Such an opinion is not just confined to a place like Sikkim. but activism against development projects which is seen to endanger the social. economic, and environmental spheres of the lives or the people has developed in different parts of India and the world. The rise of the people and communities affected ts not new to India. With Sikkim treading on the path of development later compared to other states of India, was said to have 'delayed development'. But the sooner the development started so did the activism against it. Over five chapters. the work revolves around the study of the nature of activism in Sikkim, which saw the rise of community. as well as groups within the community i.e., the rise of women in environmentaI governance. Different actors and their dependence on each other and their functioning through a network are studied. These actors have through their effort emphasized the intrinsic value of nature/environment. and its significance for the people of Sikkim especially the indigenous community i.e., Lepchas of Dzongu. Materializing on the idea of collective action toward a common goal, the movememt to this day continues. Along with the activism to stop the imposition or development projects; the actors through their organizations have instated various initiatives at the local level for the welfare of the community. They strive to relieve dependence on development efforts from external forces and establish self-determination and self-reliance through dependence on their own resources through indigenous efforts as well. They have initiated policies to prove to the authorities of traditional administration that the intellectual resources of the state and indigenous resources are adequate to bring about development in a region like Dzongu, which can later be taken as an example for the entire state. Such methods would have no negative repercussions on the environment and the people. They are keen on providing alternatives to development to the authorities. This work would provide a theoretical and field-based perspective on the concept of environmental governance in Sikkim. [t also presents an evaluation of the move from the administration of the enviromnent by the government: to environmental governance. and finally to NEG- New Environmental Governance. The work would gradually elaborate on the concepts and principles of environmental governance in general; the characteristics and principles of NEG: and move towards identifying the actors in governance and NEG and its interdependence which leads to network governance. A specific emphasis would be laid on the actors and networks in environmental governance in Sikkim. The success and failures of the above-mentioned methods of governance have been analyzed through the work. Governance includes the idea of independence and interdependence of actors working towards a particular goal. There needs to be a collaboration between the community organizations and the state agencies and also a com1ecrion between women as individuals and women as a part of the community. Local knowledge would have a grave impact on the preservation and conservation of the environment. Administration by the government should acknowledge and be inclusive of the contribution of the community and groups within the community for achieving effective and efficient governance. Actors participate for reasons which may vary- material or emotional reasons may cause one to participate, it would be befitting to consider that state-mediated environmental governance contains ' Arrogance, as prescribed by Ramachandra Guha, and thus makes it imperative to consider tJ1e presence and contribution of other actors in environmental governance. lt could complement the state-led initiatives and give a local and closer perspective to the governance of the environment. The nature of actors especially NGOs- Non- Governmental Organizations also differ. There are various NGOs that work under the aegis of the state government and a few NGOs which have no affiliation to the government. They function independently and apolitically with the support received from the local community, and national and international organizations with similar purposes. This work is based on the state's policy initiatives and the interaction with the organization, Affected Citizens of Teesta (ACT).Item Open Access Sports and sports policy in India since 1982 : Transformations and impact(University of North Bengal, 2023) Sharma, Shakti; De, SoumitraItem Open Access Challenges to social security : a study on the management of crisis in the tea gardens of Dooars in North Bengal(University of North Bengal, 2023) Biswakarma, Biki; Chakraborty, RanjitItem Open Access “STATE, NGO’s and Ecotourism: A Study of Select Ecotourism Projects of Sikkim(University of North Bengal, 2022) Tamang lama, Nisha; Chakraborty, RanjitaThe present study seeks to address the understanding of community-based ecotourism projects in Sikkim associated with how community-based ecotourism has been able to promote sustainable tourism and at the same time understand what has been the nature of interlinkages between the state, NGOs, and the local community in the promotion of sustainable ecotourism in the region under focus. The study also seeks to look into the degree of freedom given to the communities in planning and managing ecotourism in the context of hegemonic state-market relations in the area under focus. The present study focused on the Ecotourism Policy and the nature of the linkage between the government of Sikkim, the local NGOs, and the local community of the Ecotourism destination. We would probe the successes as well as the weaknesses of the projects and in the process address the question of how to promote and sustain community-based ecotourism. A major success has been the emergence of a community-based Non-Government Organization. NGOs have a potentially valuable role in supporting and building the capacity of local communities to participate in ecotourism programs, especially in defining the zoning and designing interpretation materials and facilities. Many NGOs have been participating in the tourism industry based on their different aims, but their major involvement has occurred within the area where tourism is linked with the local Community and environment; "community-based ecotourism''. Field trips were undertaken to study the ET projects in Sikkim. No study has focused on the conditions of the operation as well as the outcome of these projects. The present study seeks to examine Sikkim's Ecotourism Policy establishing the state as an ultimate and unique ecotourism destination offering memorable and high-quality learning experiences to visitors while contributing towards poverty alleviation and promotion of nature conservation. In Sikkim, though ecotourism projects are in operation, studies have focused on community participation and promoting conservation and sustainable developmentItem Open Access Daughters in patriarchal social order: A study on girl child in middle class families in Siliguri(University of North Bengal, 2022) Karmakar, Priyanka; Roy, Sanjoy KumarThe title of my PhD thesis is "Daughters in a Patriarchal Social Order: A Study on Girl Child in Middle-class Families in Siliguri". Girl child in India has always been subjected to discrimination and negligence due to the overarching patriarchal ideals that value boychild over girl child. The social mechanisms for gender discrimination are reproduced in the family, in the peer groups, in the community, in language, consumption, at work place and in all other social institutions. The larger forces like globalisation, the market economy and consumerism have compelled urban middle-class parents to rationalise their family size and imbibe hedonism. Demographers have asserted that rationalisation of family size culminates to masculinisation of family, thereby reinforcing unwantedness of daughters. A counter-reality to this phe:1omenon of unwantedness of daughters is that alongside rationalization of family size by restricting reproduction to one child or two children, the educated urban middleclass, who are regarded as the intellectual class and harbinger of social change, seem to be freeing themselves, at least partially, of male-child bias and appear to be content with one daughter or even two daughters. They are repudiating the practice of daughter aversion and are welcoming them in the family. The focal point of this study is to reconstruct the understanding of the changing position of daughter/ daughters in the family, be it a single-daughter family or a family with two daughters or family with a son and a daughter and its implications on the girl child/children and for the gender relation at the larger societal level. The study focuses on reconstructing the praxis of 'acceptance' of and 'preference' for the daughters and the socially shHred perceptions behind such practices. The study is empirical in nature. Data pertaining to the research has been collected singlehandedly. The sample for the study, which comprises of urban middle-class families of Siliguri is categorised as (l) families with single daughter, (2) families having two daughters (3) families having one daughter and a son, and ( 4) families having more than one sons and (or) daughters. The rational of this sampling is that I wanted to compare the attitudes of the parents towards single daughters or two daughters and towards the son and daughters and examine how the elements of patriarchy and gender preference work in the micro locale of the interpersonal relations in family. The study exclusively covered the Bengali middle-class families who form the dominant ethnic community of Siliguri. I studied 120 Bengali households, selecting 30 respondents from each of the four categories mentioned above. A total number of 60 households from the Marwari community have also been incorporated in the study with a purpose to grasp the comparative perspectives in attitude towards daughters at the cross-cultural level. The thesis has been arrnngcItem Open Access Human rights violation : A study of two states of North-East India, Assam and Manipur(University of North Bengal, 2021) Guha Roy, Ananya; Ghosh, MayaIntroduction: Human rights are rights originating from human dignity. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, “Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or status”. These are rights to live, liberty and security of person, right to freedom of speech, judicial remedy, freedom of movement, right to take part in the governance of one’s country, etc. The second types of rights are economic and social rights. These are the right to work, right to live with dignity, right to rest and leisure, right to education, equal pay for equal work, right to equality, etc. Here human rights were proclaimed as ‘the highest aspiration of common people’. Hence, protection and maintenance of human rights is a fundamental duty of every government. The concept of human development although can be traced back in early history of humanity in different cultures and religions, has of course, now acquired new interpretations of increasing the capability of human being to take charge of their destiny. Human rights approaches try to address the main causes of development problems. As former Secretary-General Kofi Annan once said, “Human rights can be found at the heart of every major challenge facing humanity”. On the other hand, human development approach is concerned with all the capabilities that people have reason to value. Both the ideas have much in common with the concerns expressed by Declarations of Human Rights. The promotion of human development and the achievement of human rights share, in many ways, a similar motivation and represent a fundamental commitment to securing the freedom, well-being and dignity of individuals in all societies. While human rights embrace the range of social, economic, cultural and political rights, as defined by the international community, human development is about expanding the choices people have to lead lives which they value, the resources to make those choices available and the security to ensure those choices meaningful. According to Amartya Sen, human right and development are indeed mutually compatible. He shows that both share a common goal: enriching the lives and freedoms of ordinary people. The combination of the two perspectives gives us something that neither can provide alone. North-east India, once considered as a ‘paradise’, has now become ‘crisis-ridden’. The root cause of this mess lies in the history, geography and demography of this region. In May,1958 Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the then President of India, in response to the continued unrest in the north-eastern territories of the Union, including self determination activities by Naga tribes that spilled over into the state of Manipur, promulgated the Armed Forces (Assam and Manipur) Special Powers Ordinance. The ordinance entitled the Governor of Assam and the Chief Commissioner of Manipur to declare the whole or any part of Assam or Manipur, respectively, as a “disturbed area”. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act replaced the ordinance later that year. The Act was passed by both houses of Parliament on 18th August, 1958 and received presidential assent on 11th September, 1958.Subsequent amendments to the Act, which mainly dealt with the territorial scope of its application, were enacted in 1960, 1970, 1972 and 1986.Even though there was some resistance within the parliament against the passing of the Act, the majority prevailed and the law was passed. Today the Act is applicable to the north-eastern territory of India, comprising of seven states, namely Assam, Manipur, Tripura, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Nagaland. The two constituent states of North-east have been selected for study keeping in view the incidents of human rights violation by both state and non-state actors. While the state of Manipur witnesses a kind of state sponsored violation of human rights, in Assam the ethnic insurgency groups are constantly violating the rights of common men with the state in most cases has failed to stand to the occasions. Statement of the Research Problem: We have said earlier that human rights are the basic rights for an individual. These rights are regarded very important for the better living of a person. Today, violation of human rights is seriously taken note of by international bodies. It is in this backdrop that most countries have set up their own independent National Human Rights Commissions. Hence human rights are undeniable and inherent rights of every individual. The North-eastern part of our country is declared as ‘disturbed’ for long. Its human rights situation is rooted in its ethnic and linguistic make-up and in the history of its administrative relationship to the central government of India. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958 was implemented to control the insurgents as well as to maintain peace and security in the region. But surprisingly, after its deployment the situation became even worse. The army violates the human rights of the inhabitants by means of torturing, arresting, searching their houses in excuse of suspicion. They harass the female in connection to help the militants by providing shelter. Thousands of cases of rapes and sexual molestations have been reported against the army. But due to lack of proper investigation the victims do not get justice. Several times the civil society raises its voice to repeal the draconian Act. The central government sometimes too feels to withdraw it, but in practice they do nothing. International organizations like United Nations, Amnesty International make some recommendations, still the people of North-east have been deprived of enjoying the basic human rights of them. This encouraged the researcher to study the actual human rights situation in the two North-eastern states i.e. Assam and Manipur. Objectives of the proposed study: The proposed study would explore the situation of human rights in the north-eastern part of India and the situation of Assam and Manipur, in particular. The focus has been restricted only to the political character of the issue. A huge number of publications have made a number of recommendations aimed at improving the human rights climate of these areas. Many of these recommendations focus on the need for investigation of all reported abuses and the amendment or repeal of abusive security regulations. The prime objectives of the proposed study would be to study: a) The extent and nature of violation by armed forces. b) To find out the role of the central government as well as the state government for the development of these regions, the reasons for not getting the benefits provided by the government in the several five years plans. c) To show the regional imbalances that exists in the levels of economic development in India, a country with continental dimensions, not only between different states but also within the states between different districts and regions. Therefore, the planned economic development of the state has brought wide disparities in the socio-economic situation. d) To identify the demands of the insurgency groups. e) To examine the root causes of the inter-ethnic clashes whether it plays the role of a catalyst in increasing poverty. Research Questions: Following are the questions which will be probed for understanding the problem: a) To what extent, human rights and development are linked in the context of North- East India, especially in Assam and Manipur.Manipur b) What has been the exact nature of poverty in the region? Are poverty and ethnic conflicts the roots of human rights violation? c) What has been the role of the state in protecting the human rights of the people of the region and specifically prevent human rights violation during the last three decades? d) Is it possible to identify human rights violation as indexes of a fragile social and economic structure? e) How far the crisis of human development has been accentuated because of colonial legacy of the British rule and the existence of varied religious belief in a multi-cultural context. Research gap: Although lot of studies on human rights as well as human rights violation in different parts of north-eastern India have been carried out by renowned scholars, no systematic and comprehensive study that has touched the actual state of condition regarding human rights violation in north-east, particularly in Assam and Manipur has ever been undertaken. On the basis of the existing review of literatures, we identified the research gap in our study. Studies on human rights violation in North-east India are large in number. But most of them view the situation from one dimension – either from the governmental point of view or from the insurgents. The issue of development is almost ignored in the existing literatures. Considering the massive poverty situation, in comparison to the rest of the country, this study seeks to identify the mutual relationship between development and human rights violation. The proposed study would not only explore the intensities and degree of violence of that region, but also highlights its impact on its people. Moreover, the study looks at the entire situation through an impartial point of view that would help in the formation of public opinion. The proposed study has explored the situation of human rights in the north-eastern part of India, in general and the situation of Assam and Manipur, in particular. The focus has been restricted only to the political character of the issue. A comparative analysis of the human rights situation of the different states of north east India is conspicuously missing in the earlier literature. In our present study, we have compared the human rights situation of Assam and that of Manipur with the help of various parameters. In this connection, the activities of Assam Human Rights Commission and Manipur Human Rights Commission have also been compared. A huge number of publications have made a number of recommendations aimed at improving the human rights climate of these areas. Many of these recommendations focus on the need for investigation of all reported abuses and the (4) amendment or repeal of abusive security regulations. But in true sense, there is a huge gap between theory and practice. All these attempts have not done much to restore the security of the people of those regions. I have given emphasis on the issue of migration which has not been discussed in the previous literature. Although rigorous quantitative analysis is desirable, the absence of a sufficient amount of reliable data does not allow to pursue such an endeavor. Therefore, my analysis is qualitative in nature - often based on anecdotes and careful observations. There are both beneficial and harmful effects on the economy. The immigrants have contributed to the rise of agricultural productivity and by supplying cheap labor in the informal labor market have benefitted the consumers and producers alike. The immigrants do not seem to compete with the native workers who are generally educated and seek employment in the formal labor market. The immigrants have put tremendous pressure on land and environmental problems which have indirect adverse effects on the economy. So we can realize that the issue of migration has played a pivotal role in the socio-economic-political aspect of the north eastern region. Research Methodology: Method of data collection: For this present study data is collected and examined from both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources include historical archival, various governmental reports, documents of five-year plan and other authentic printed and visual documents. Secondary sources will include the findings of other scholarly studies on the same problem in other parts of the country for the purpose of comparative analysis. Different articles, journals, periodicals and websites are also considered to highlight the human rights situation. The researcher has visited Assam and Manipur several times to acquire a thorough knowledge regarding the actual scenario of human rights there. To collect the accurate data, the researcher has spent long hours in the offices of The Assam Human Rights Commission and Manipur Human Rights Commission. Data Analysing: First, the researcher has shown the descriptive statistics about four important parameters of human rights violation in Assam as well as Manipur. These four important indicators present total complaints, custodial deaths, number of rapes, and number of (5) encounters. In our study, custodial deaths include police custody, judicial custody, and defence or paramilitary custody. The researcher has computed mean of all the above stated parameters to know the average of total complaints, custodial deaths, number of rapes, and number of encounters in Assam as well as Manipur. The researcher has also shown the maximum and minimum values of all the stated parameters to showcase the range or span of all the four indicators under study. The researcher has shown the standard deviation to show the dispersion of each parameter from their respective mean values. Higher value of standard deviation indicates the higher deviation of the cases from their average cases. Apart from the descriptive statistics, the researcher has also used inferential statistics in order to check the hypotheses in the study. As the researcher has made a deliberate attempt to make a comparison between two states which are different from one other; she has taken the help of Independent t test. As the two states are two distinct sample groups, therefore, Independent t test is the most appropriate test in this study. In my study, comparisons between two states have been made on the basis of stated four parameters. First, I have considered the ‘total complaints’ parameter and I have checked the statistical significant difference of ‘total complaints’ between Assam and Manipur and applied the same test in the case of other parameters in my study. Research Findings: Chapter one deals with identifying the research problems and the methodology applied by the researcher for empirical study of the problem identified by the researcher. The researcher has stated the objectives of this research, research questions, hypothesis, detailed the overview of literature available in this field of research and pointed out the research gap in the area. Chapter two deals with the approaches and perspectives of human rights and human development. The first part of the chapter begins with the theory of natural law, followed by a detail understanding of natural rights theory and ends with a brief discussion of the three generations of human rights that is civil-political rights, socio-economic rights and lastly collective-developmental rights introduced by Jurist Karel Vasak. The approaches of human development have been elaborately discussed in the second part of the chapter. The chapter (6) ends with the illustration of the interrelationship between human rights and human development. Chapter three deals with the issues of poverty and development in this region. It analyses the level of achievements in different dimensions of human development across north eastern states. Moreover, this chapter tries to examine the extent of inter-state disparities in economic growth and human development related indictors in north eastern states. Though the region has made improvement with regard to the level of human development in recent time compared to the previous decades, yet its level of achievement in terms of human development is consistently low than that of nation average. Chapter four includes year wise as well as area wise several cases of different forms of human rights violations in Assam. Here we can notice that mainly human rights violations are done by the state police. The numerous numbers of incidents of custodial deaths, torturing, encounters have proved their level of cruelty. Violations against women, like rape, harassment vary from year to year. Chapter five deals with the situation of human rights violation in Manipur in detail. Most of the armed groups fighting for secession have accused the Central Government of exploiting the region’s rich mineral resources, neglecting its economy and flooding the state with migrant settlers. The human rights situation in this region has been aggravated rapidly after the deployment of Indian army to fight against secessionist insurgents. To control the insurgents and to diminish the support they enjoyed, the security forces have indulged in extra-judicial executions, custodial deaths, torture and rape. Moreover, the prolonged application of the security operations, conducted under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958 has not only institutionalized a climate of impunity but has also alienated the public and fuelled a cycle of violence in the region. Chapter six has presented a comparative analysis between the above mentioned two states regarding their respective human rights situations. We have also considered the total number of cases of human rights violations happened in these two states from 2005 to 2018. This chapter has highlighted the responses from national as well as international bodies to control the situation and establish peaceful environment. Conclusion: In conclusion we can say that the profile of Assam shows that mainly the cases of human rights violations have been done by the police and not by the army. It is observed that (7) whereas the police violated human rights 1,112 times during 2005-2018, the army is accused for the same only 13 times. Places like Kamrup, Kacchar, Nagaon have the maximum cases of violations done by the police. In contrast to Assam, Manipur has the highest number of cases of violation of human rights done by the army. Due to unavailability of data regarding human rights violations here, the researcher has to solely depend on the narratives given by the MHRC’s officials and their newsletters. Mr. Khaidem Mani, the present chairperson of the MHRC has presented a detailed narration of the current scenario of human rights situation there. The researcher has observed that there lies statistically significant difference regarding the total number of complaints between Assam and Manipur. Perhaps the main reason behind this is the disfunctionality of the MHRC for a long span of time. I personally have realized that the newly formed commission under the chairmanship of Mr. Khaidem Mani sincerely wants to resolve the cases of human rights violations in this region. Manipur is one of the worst affected states in North-east India where to counter insurgency operations the state acts more cruelly towards the innocent inhabitants. The Indian Army, the Assam Rifles and the Manipur Police have been accused of violating human rights of the local people only because of suspecting them as militant. Common people even do not sleep properly at night. Anytime they can come, search their houses, destroy their belongings and pick up their family member for enquiry. Sometimes after interrogating they release that person, in some cases the victim simply ‘disappears’. Thousands of cases of rape, molestation, sexual assault have been done by the army. In terms of HDI ranking Manipur always performs better than Assam. According to the HDI ranking in 1981, 1991, 2001 and 2011 Manipur performs quite well in health and education, but its poor performance in economic attainment has placed its position below in the overall HDI value. Assam has been found consistently to be the poorest performer in the race of human development in recent decades. Uneven human development in this region in terms of health, education and economic outcome is very prominent and high degree of disparity across states is very much visible when examine the human development indicators. The Central Government must take all these issues into account during policy formulation.