Department of Political Science
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Item Open Access Politics and development of ethno-consciousness and identity : A study of the Lepchas of Darjeeling and Sikkim(University of North Bengal, 2023) Lepcha, Pemu Tshering; Chakrabarti, DyutisLepchas consider themselves to be the original inhabitants of Sikkim and Darjeeling Hills. They are known as Mutanchi Rongkup or Rongs which means ‘sons of snowy peaks’ They claim their origin from their homeland Mayel lyang i.e. ‘land of hidden paradise’. They reside mostly in the state of Sikkim and in the Hills of Darjeeling and Kalimpong. Due to the rearrangement and shuffling of the older Himalayan kingdoms, shifting and overlapping of political boundaries, they are also found in the east part of Nepal, Illam and the western part of Bhutan. Thus, today Lepchas are scattered into three territorial nation states. This work is a study on the development of ethno- consciousness and the movement for cultural identity among the Lepchas in Darjeeling and Sikkim. It seeks to establish the point that ethnicity and ethnic consciousness are connected with the notion of identity. Today, all modern societies are undergoing a distinct type of structural change due to the emergence of ethnicity. By challenging the forces of modernisation, homogenisation, globalisation, nationalism and cosmopolitan values all ethnic groups are trying to create a distinct cultural space of their own. Even modern nation states based on the principles of equality, democracy, pluralism and republicanism has sought to homogenise all ethnic pluralities. State and its administrative apparatus also shape ethnicity and group identity, as state tends to be controlled or its policies are framed in favour of the interests of the dominant group. When a particular group take control over the institutions of government policy making, it seeks to further its own interest. This leads to disproportionate distribution of state resources and causes resentment among those who have been denied benefits. Thus, the state fails to act as an instrument pursuing distributive justice. This denial of state resources and differential treatment resulting in the marginalization of the community strengthens community consciousness. It is with this background that the study of ethno- consciousness and identity of the Lepchas of Sikkim and Darjeeling becomes pertinent. Tribal identities have their roots in colonial policies that classified communities and ethnic groups, privileged some and discriminated against others. But the very identity that was previously enforced by the colonisers have increasingly internalised by the people themselves and has become a rallying point for identity assertion. Lepchas became colonised with the coming of Tibetans during the early 17th century, under the Gorkhas in the 18th century and the British during 19th century. The real problem of the Lepchas began with the arrival of British colonialism. Their religion, culture and tradition got eclipsed owing to their conversion into Buddhism, Christianity and Hinduism, with a very insignificant of them practicing animism. This has led many scholars to make the point that Lepchas are a dying race and a vanishing tribe. The work attempts to understand the political and social processes of the rise or revival of ethno- consciousness and identity among the Lepchas in Sikkim and the District of Darjeeling. The Rongs or the Lepchas as they are better known have been increasingly declaring themselves as the original inhabitants and indigenous community of Sikkim and Darjeeling Hills. The claim along with other similar claims has turned the whole geographical space and its history into a contested terrain. The study makes a historical construction of Lepcha identity through colonial narratives. It also tries to look into the historical making of a geographical space and also tries to see the relation between history and identity by making an account on the experiences of the Lepchas with different phases of colonialism. With the coming of British the condition of the Lepchas became worse. The modern governing practices initiated by the British through the establishment of a universal standardised legal system, enumeration and fixing of innumerable communities converted tribes and communities into a measurable category through census reports. In the case of Lepchas, colonial policies of encouraging immigration of Nepalese and other outsiders forced Lepchas to move to the remote and peripheral areas leading to their marginalization and vulnerable position. The post- independent state’s policy towards the Lepchas is also a continuation of the colonial state’s policies and administrative practices. State formation after independence from the British rule is characterised by some form of assimilationism and benevolent paternalism. Constitutional and legal provisions enacted for the protection and welfare of the marginalised communities led to their categorization as Scheduled Tribes by the Scheduled Tribes Order of 1950 in accordance to Article 342 of the Constitution. Provisions like reservations of seats in legislature, employment and education, right to use one’s own language for educational and other purposes including the right to conserve one’s language and culture were enumerated as part of the state’s integrationist and developmental agenda. But what is stated in the constitutional and legal provisions on the one hand and what actually has followed on the other hand has become quite different. The rupture between the constitutional provisions and the existing ground reality is on account of the divergence in the constitutional, institutional and administrative structure of the state. State and its institutions also trigger ethnic consciousness. State may be controlled by a particular ethnic group whose interest the state chooses to favour, state policies are also shaped by the advice of the leaders of such groups. Thus, the state far from remaining neutral and egalitarian ends up promoting majority ethnicism and consistently makes distinctions by classifying people and groups and sharing resources disproportionately; benefiting some groups and causing harm and denial to some others. This denial of resources and privileges heightens community and group consciousness. In the development of ethnic consciousness, a closer look into the administrative structure and position of the Lepchas within that structure should also be taken into account. Darjeeling being a district within the state of West Bengal and Sikkim being a federal state. In Sikkim, Lepchas were accorded a special BL status with the right to political representations. Being closer to the state structure and the decision-making process, Lepchas in Sikkim have been able to accrue many benefits in their favour. Various Lepcha Associations have been successfully fighting against all kinds of injustices perpetrated against the Lepcha community and have been actively involved in protecting their socio- economic and cultural rights. Beginning with the grant of official status to Lepcha language in 1977, to its introduction into the school curriculum till the post- graduate level, they have achieved significant benefits. In Darjeeling, their situation is somewhat different. Being already marginalised due the operations of colonial capitalism under British rule, the state even after independence have somehow remained indifferent to the issues pertaining the Lepcha community. They have not yet claimed the agency of reading and writing in their mother tongue even at the primary level of education. Nepali language, which is the dominant regional language have always gained the upper hand in the region. Promotion of Nepali by sidelining Lepcha language became evident when Government of West Bengal recognised Nepali as an additional official language of the district of Darjeeling in 1961. Further in 1975 Nepali language was accepted as a modern Indian language by the Sahitya Akademi and ultimately included in the 8th Schedule of the Indian Constitution. The differential treatment meted to the Lepchas of Darjeeling have further disillusioned them, which is evident from the kinds of identity assertion movements that the region has witnessed in the recent years. Development initiatives of the state with the construction of hydel power projects on rivers that are considered to be holy for the Lepchas; and upon their holy land ‘Dzongu’, their Mayel Lyang have led Lepchas from both the regions to collectively wage sustained crusades against such projects on the grounds of protecting their culture, tradition and identity. Following Barth and Smith, the work argues that through the actions of ethnic groups and their interests, boundaries are erected, dividing some people and unifying others. Thus, the emerging consciousness of an ethnic group gets accelerated when ethnic boundaries are created and maintained, when an ethnic group starts constructing their culture by reviving their forgotten pasts, myths, symbols, language, religion, memory and their ethnic history. Through a series of literary and scholastic activities, celebrations of the birth anniversaries of their heroes, celebration of traditional Lepcha festivals, customs and traditions, production of ethno- documentary films projecting the Lepcha belief in natural deities, traditions of munism and bongtheism, attempts are being made by Lepchas in reviving and restoring their historical cultural practices and thus actively involved in the politics of cultural production and cultural revivalism. Past thus becomes a resource for all ethnic groups giving them a collective identity which paves the way for ethnic political mobilization of the community. It becomes ‘political’ since ethnic boundaries are shaped not only by the members themselves but by external forces like the state and its institutions. Members from the community have been vocal in waging movements and conducting associational politics for the protection and promotion of cultural identity of the Lepchas. Thus, members of an ethnic group not only identify themselves as belonging to a particular group but are also identified by others. Ethnic identity as a constructed category also implies conscious mobilization of the people in defence of their community’s interest. The work is divided into six chapters. In the first chapter, along with the statement of the problem, an introduction to the area of study is given. With a brief theoretical insight, this chapter makes a review of all existing literature. It also gives a theoretical framework to understand the emergence of ethno- consciousness among the Lepchas of Sikkim and the hills of Darjeeling and Kalimpong. In the second chapter titled ‘Lepchas: Their Social and Cultural Profile’ attempt is made to give an account of the origin of the Lepcha tribe, their social and cultural profile; and an insider’s account about the history of the Lepchas. Language and literature, which is considered as a repository of a community’s history and culture is the next theme of this chapter. It also focusses on the literary activism and the movement for linguistic assertion among the Lepchas in response to the dominant and homogenising impulse of Nepali linguistic nationalism with the standardisation of Nepali language and literature. The third chapter is titled ‘Lepchas in Sikkim: Experience Under Namgyal Rule till The British and After’. Any work on the Lepcha tribe becomes incomplete without taking reference of the history of Sikkim, since the establishment of Namgyal kingdom in the early seventeenth century because with this began the first phase of colonisation of the Lepchas. Coming of Bhutias laid the foundation of a kingdom with a state system based on feudal order. State formation took place in entirely Tibetan- Buddhist ethos. The Sikkimese political system based on Lamaist theocracy, had many features of Tibetan feudalism; the ruler was not only the head of the state but also an incarnate lama with the responsibility to rule the subjects in accordance with the tenets of the ‘Chhos’ or the Dharma. This helped to accomplish the task of converting Lepchas into the Buddhist faith conveniently. Establishment of the Bhutia kingdom and the spread of Buddhism colonized not only the Lepchas but the entire geographical and political landscape. The chapter also gives an account of the Lepchas in the period immediately after independence in 1947. Freedom from British rule did not give them access to democratic participation and decision making. They were sandwiched between the more assertive Nepalis and the dominant Bhutia community. Since one’s ability to influence the political process also became dependent upon numbers games. The fourth chapter is titled ‘Colonial Encounter and Experiences of the Lepchas of Darjeeling since 1835’ gives an account of the Lepchas of Darjeeling from 1835. Prior to this date, Darjeeling was an intrinsic part of the kingdom of Sikkim. Thus, the colonial history of Darjeeling begins with the Deed of 1835. With the arrival of British in Darjeeling, Lepchas were subjected to the worst forms of colonialism. Taking advantage of the backwardness of the Lepchas, European missionaries converted a large number of them into the Christian faith. The chapter also discusses how Lepchas were affected due to the emergence of Nepali linguistic nationalism. Lepchas were forced to study and communicate in a new language. Their language was considered to be backward for not being able to cope with the advancements made by Nepali literature in the 1920s and 1930s. In response to such developments, attempts were made by the Lepchas in the 1920s to work for the introduction of Lepcha language at the primary stage of education since 1925s with the formation of the first Lepcha Association. The fifth chapter titled ‘Ethnic Political Mobilization of the Lepchas: Towards a Movement for Cultural Identity’ seeks to explain how ethno- consciousness and consciousness about one’s ethnic identity is followed by a set of activities aimed at political mobilisation of the community. The chapter gives an account of the organisational activities conducted by different Lepcha ethnic associations in both Sikkim and Darjeeling including Kalimpong. The chapter discusses the different ways by which Lepchas have been able to carve their differences by the creation of boundaries and boundary maintenance process. The role of external factors i.e., the political process and the political institutions that shape and determine ethnic identity is also highlighted by locating the Lepchas within the particular political structure. The last and the concluding chapter makes an attempt to provide answers to the research questions posed at the beginning of the research work. In providing answers to the questions, a comparison is made between the state administrative structures in both Darjeeling and Sikkim, by locating the experiences of the Lepchas within this administrative structure. In doing so the chapter tries to study whether state patronage or the absence of it have a bearing on the socio- economic and political. DarjeelingItem Open Access Participatory democracy and grassroots governance in India : a study of the nature of people's participation in gram sansads in Paschim Medinipur District, West Bengal(University of North Bengal, 2023) Lama, Budh Bahadur; Chakrabarti, DyutisDissatisfaction results from representatives acting more in accordance with party choices than with the will of the people, rather than from a lack of consistency between public aspirations and deeds. Such situations have led to the demand of popular participation in the decision making and gained a popular acceptance. Jn this context 'participatory democracy' has emerged in an attempt to recapture people's power to determine their own fate and to correct the inadequacies of representative democracy. From this point view, paticipation is democracy. The idea of participatory democracy bas been encouraged in India by guaranteeing a constitutional status (73rd Constitutional Amendment Act 1992) to the local level institutions including Gram Sabha. One of the most important provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment is setting up of Gram Sabha in the lower tier of Panchayats, known as Gram Panchayat with the adult citizens of concerned areas to ensure direct participation of ordinary rural people in local governance. Therefore, the title of the study is 'Participatory Democracy and Grassroots Governance in India: A Study of the Nature of People's Participation in Gram Sansads of Paschim Medinipur District, West Bengal' divided into seven following Gram Sansads of Paschim Medinipur District, West Bengal' divided into seven following chapters: Chapter I: Introduction This chapter consists of the statement of the problem, review of literature, objectives of the study, research questions, methodological premises, chapterisation and rationale of the study. tudy. Statement of the problem West Bengal is one of the pioneer states in India to experiment the pancbayats as governing bodies at the village level since independence and particularly after 1977. West Bengal has tried invariably to extend the process of democratic decentralisation beyond the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act (CAA). So, it has taken a step forward by making the provision for Gram Sansad apart from Gram Sabha. Gram Sabha is constituted at Gram Panchayat level and Gram Sansad at each electoral constituency or 'booth' level with all voters of the concerned constituency. By introducing Gram Sansad, it is assumed that, unlike a huge Gram Sabha with a large size population, this relatively smaUer unit will enhance the prospect of people's participation and create a truly decentralised local governing body. Ln fact, Gram Sansad is the lowest unit of the entire system of rural local self-government in West Bengal. It is the 'real soul' of village democracy. Tt is a system where all the villagers themselves are collectively their own local affairs. So, Gram Sansad is the centre of democratic power in the village and is the centre of developmental activity. It not only strengthens the process of participatory governance but also facilitates empowerment of ordinary rural people and brings the elements of transparency, accountability and social control over panchayats. It is a platform based entirely on people's voice. It has the potential to change the noise of the people into the voice of the people. However, without active and popular participation, Gram Sansads will not be able to play its real role as designed by the policy makers in the state of West Bengal. So, the potentiality of Gram Sansad is conditioned by its length of uses in the given rural environment. Therefore, the inclusive and participatory grassroots governance is still remaining a distance dream for the ordinary villagers. At the same time, tbe usefulness of this unique structure of Gram Sansad as an effective instrument to ensure decentralized decision making and participatory local government has been questioned. It has been argued that common people are not interested in the meetings/deliberations of Gram Sansads. Majority does not attend or participate in deliberations. Often people participate in meetings only to satisfy local leaders and to increase numbers. They do not raise issues. The Sansads are actuaUy guided and controlled by a small group of local leaders or a local oligarchy. fn this context, it is necessary to examine the actual functioning of Gram Sansads to capture the nature of participatory institutions oflndia's Panchayati Raj system. Whether the institutions and structures created to ensure decentralised decisions and participatory democracy, are gradually becoming only theoretical or procedural and instruments in the hands oflocal elites, is a matter that needs attention. Therefore, to probe this point, the focus of present study is on nature of participation in Gram Sansads in West Bengal, in this case particularly, Paschim Medinipur district. Objectives of the Study The chief objective of the study has been to investigate the basic issue: How far have the Gram Sansads been able to emerge at the local (village) level as an effective arrangement that ensure participatory government in villages? Or are the Sansads just another ornamental arrangement? The point is investigated in Paschim Medinipur district. There are some specific objectives or sub-objectives which try to realise main objective: 1. To study how far the objectives of Gram Panchayats as laid down by the West Bengal Panchayat (Amendment) Acts 1994 and 2003, have been implemented and achieved in Paschim Medinipur; and to examine the powers and functions of Gram Sansad in Paschirn Medinipur district. 2. To explore the nature of people's participation in Gram Sansads in Paschim Medinipur with regard to decision-making and deliberation. 3. To examine the roles of political parties in strengthening the process of people's participation in Gram Sansads in Paschim Medinipur district. Research questions There are few major research questions which are as follows. 1. ls Gram Sansad strong enough to raise the voice of the ordinary rural people in Paschim Medinipur district? 2. Do all the people fully participate in the process of governance at the Sansad level in Paschim Medinipur district? 3. Are the Gram Sabhas/Gram Sansads decision-making bodies in Paschim Medinipur district? 4. Whether Gram Panchayats are politically biased in Paschim Medinipur district? Study area and Research methods The study focuses on the Gram Sansads of the Paschim Medinipur district which is situated in tbe south-west comer of West Bengal and is adjacent to the State of Odisha in its south-west. Paschim Medinipur district was created in 2002 by bifurcating the erstwhile Midnapore district. Later, in 2017 a new Jhargram district has been created out of the western part of Paschim Medinipur district. The present work which was started before 2017, however, includes one block from the newly created Jhargram district. As per the Government of West Bengal report 2011, Paschim Medinipur district consists of 4 Subdivisions, 29 Blocks, 29 Panchayat Samitis, 290 Gram Pancbayats and 3086 Gram Sansads. But at present the district has only 3 Subdivisions. The present study being theoretical and empirical in nature has followed the review of literatures and survey methods. So, keeping in mind a fair representation of people, 20 Gram Sansads have been selected for the field study on the basis of following criteria. (i) advanced Gram Sansads and backward Gram Sansads based on poverty and human development; (ii) Gram Sansads dominated by general caste, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and Women; (iii) one party dominated Gram Sansads by Ruling party or Opposition, Gram Sansads changing hands (competitive), and Gram Sansads with no clear domination (fragmented); (iv) Gram Sansads which achieved targets and failed to achieve targets. In addition, 400 hundred villager respondents, 40 elected panchayat members, 20 party leaders from different political parties and 5 government officials including Block Development Officer (BOO) have been interviewed during the field visit. Chapter Tl: Towards Participatory Governance in India: The Evolution of Panchayati Raj Institutions Jt outlines the history of evolution of PRls in pre-independent and post-independent India. The local government may be understood as an institutional arrangement to create locally elected democratic bodies essentially accountable to the local people. The term 'participatory governance' refers to a system which includes a set of grassroots organisations such as local self-government, civil society organisations, local functional groups, and even influential individuals. Therefore, the form of grassroots democracy in India refers primarily to the constitutional provisions of the Constitution (73rd Amendment) Act and the Constitution (74th Amendment) Act and the emerging role of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRls) and Nagar Palika Institutions (NPls). Panchayati Raj is a system and process of governance at the village level. Local government is not a new phenomenon in India. Panchayat acted as a mechanism to administer justice, to settle down disputes, and to solve the day-to-day problem. It was regarded as the fundamental unit of administration and justice. The system existed in the Vedic period and is still continuing to function on the principles of decentralisation and people's participation in the decision making at the local level even after having facing lot of challenges. History of evolution of Panchayati Raj Institutions tells us that panchayats in India had to go through difficulties and complexities to reach the level where it is accepted as one of the vibrant democratic local governments in the history of grassroots governance. Gram pancbayats are the doorstep government of the people. It is really a people's government. Gram Sabha as a plate form for participation ensures people's participation in the process of decision-making and formulation of development plan at the grassroots level. People of the villages can directly participate in the system of governance. Chapter III: Gram Panchayats in West Bengal: Historical Evolution and People's Participation This chapter provides a detail about the experiments and experiences ofrural local selfgovernment in West Bengal. The chapter starts with a brief profile of West Bengal followed by the discussion on Gram Panchayats and people's participation in West Bengal with a time framework ( 1870- 1977). The chapter also contains analysis oft he feanires of tbe West Bengal Pancbayat Act of 1973 and highlights the importance of the Act of 1973 in the following stages of the rural governance in West Bengal. The chapter also discusses about the role of Gram Panchayats and the nature of People's Participation in local affairs during the Left Front regime in West Bengal; describes the position of Gram Sabha/Gram Sansad in the post-73rd Constitutional Amendment scenario; discusses the power and functions of Gram Panchayat and the natme of People's Panicipation in West Bengal in the context of present Scenario; highlights the Participatory [nitiatives and Innovations in Panchayat System in West Bengal. Chapter IV: Rural Local Self-Government in Paschim Medinipur district during Left Front Goverome-nt: Structure, Functions and people' participation Jt covers the nature of policies, institutional structures, strategies and process of people's participation in PRis under Left Front government in Paschim MedinipU1· district. The chapter begins with a brief introduction of the district undertaken for the study and it also includes the analytical aspects on the role of Rural Local Self-Government during the Left Front regime; discusses the Strnctures of the Gram Panchayats in Paschim Medinipur Ojstrict; shows the Functional difficulties and bureaucratic supremacy faced by Gram Panchayats during the Left Regime; discusses the Dominance of Party in the three-tiers of Panchayat System; examines the nature of People's Participation in the Activities of Gram Panchayats and a brief profile of Paschim Medinipur District Today. Chapter V: Nature and Extent of People's Participation in the Gram Sansads in Paschim M edinipur district This chapter contains the various tables of data. collected from the field along with data analyses. This chapter also contains the determinants of people's participation in village governance in Pasch.im Medinipur district and the characterisation of the concept of people's participation on the basis of attending meetings, raising voices on various local issues and providing comments and contributions being made by the ordinary rural people in the context local affairs. The chapter includes the socio-economic and political level of consciousness of 400 vii !age respondents (200 male and 200 female); 40 elected members of Gram Panchayats; 20 local political leaders f om different parties; and 05 government officials including BDO. Chapter VI: Power to the Gram Sansad: Awareness of Elected Panchayat Members, Local Party Leaders and Government Officials It explores the views of all the stakeholders towards whether the Gram Sansad as a participatory institution at the grassroots level in Pascbim Medinipur district or not. The chapter also includes various questions and responses of all the respondents that detennine their perceptions and awareness of the potentiality of the Gram Sansads in the district. Power to people and its enemies seems to be relatively true in connection to enabling Gram Sansads in the district. Similarly, the roles played by the elected members, local pary leaders and government officials are not encouraging in regard to evolve the Gram Sansad as a real decision-making body, participatory and deliberative village assembly in Paschim Medinipur district, West Bengal. Chapter VII: Conclusion It figures out the major findings of the research work and recommends Gram Sansad as a direct participatory democratic grassroots institution in Paschim Medinipur district in particular and in the state of West Bengal in general. Major Findings It must be mentioned that the institution of Gram Sansad provides the way of direct participation lo the villagers in the affairs of Panchayat. Gram Sansad has provided the scope for participation of ordinary rnral people in the decision-making process. Gram Sansad at the constituency level gives sufficient opportunity to the villagers to empower themselves through participation. The ideas of villagers are partly reproduced in the actions of Gram Panchayat. However, Gram Sansad is able to decrease the traditional 'patron-client relationshjp' at the village level. But in reality, Gram Sansad has been made to go about as a remote-controlled establishment by the ruling elites. This all-inescapable controlling demeanour is an impediment to develop the participatory political culture in rural society of Paschirn Medinipur. The study found that the majority of villagers do not attend Panchayat meetings and do not participate -in decisionmaking process and in the process of implementation of development programmes even at the Gram Sansad level. Few villagers who have attended the Sansad meetings with no voice or the participate the meetings as a proxy and take all the decisions. It is also found that most of these elected members are not having any knowledge about the Gram Panchayat manuals, their rights, their responsibilities. development work, old Panchayat Acts, 73rd Amendment Act and State Panchayat Act and the others due to many reasons like poor economic background, guided by party leaders. lack of proper education, lack of exposure to the world outside, lack of proper training for doing panchayat activities, lack of capacity building programmes, etc. Large number of villagers have not attended the Gram Sansad meetings. Villagers remain silent and submissive to the ruling party as they know their opinions are hardly be accepted in themeetings. No free and friendly environment for the ordinary villagers in the Gram Sansad meetings. A fear-psychosis continues in their minds if they stand for anti-ruling elites. It is found that Gram Sansad is not strong enough to raise the voices of the ordinary villagers and it is not a real decision-making body at the Sansad level. The villagers believed that Gram Sansad does not have the sufficient autonomy to take the decisions of its own due to inadequate devolution of freedom, funds, functions and functionaries. These limitations have curtailed the vertical and horizontal potential expansion of Gram Sansad as a self-governing grassroots unit at the Sansad level. So. it is unable to function as a participatory decentralized body at the Sansad level. The list of recipients of development schemes is prepared before the Gram Sansad meetings by the rural dominants. And these lists of recipients are brought by them in the Gram Sansad meetings for approval only. Indeed, negligible individuals' involvement in the Sansad 's decision-making process is not so helpful lo bring about revolutionary changes in the existing hierarchical power structure. There is no such advancement in the process of people's participation in Gram Sansad affairs and no breakthrough in the process of power devolution to Gram Sansad even after the shift in power in the State in 2011 and subsequently in the district in 2013. Rather the Grassroots self-governing institutions like Gram Sansad and Gram Unnayan Samiti are becoming weak in the areas of 4Fs (Fund, Functions, Functionaries and Freedom) under this new regime. So, as a maner of fact, the importance of institution is getting declined. People have already started attending party called meeting instead of attending Sansad meetings. The present government of West Bengal is more focused on increasing the power of rural bureaucracy instead of strengthening the elected Panchayat members capable to delivery services to the people at the village level. So, villagers are being pushed on by the State to become dependent entities on rural bureaucrats. Here villagers have to depend upon two power elites - bureaucrats and party leaders. This culture of dependency has further weakened people's body even at the Sansad level. However, villagers are still having confidence that Gram Sansad has the power to enable the villagers to fi-ame their lives as per their desires. In fact, Gram Sansad has enonnous prospect in escalating the human abilities in local self-government in Paschim Medinipur district. To conclude, Gram Sansad has the ability to emerge at the village level as an effective arrangement that ensure participatory government in villages. This can be a reality only wheo each villagers including the poorest of the poor will be recognised with dignity and given the equal share of influential engagement in Sansad affairs. And Gram Sansads should be kept free from all kinds of restraints like political, social, economy, cultural, religious, etc. Otherwise, the Gram Sansad continues to be an ornamental arrangement in the political landscape of rural Bengal. The study also recommends that lhere should be least intervention of the political party in the effective and efficient functioning of the Gram Sansads in West Bengal particularly in Paschim Medinipur district. The role of party cannot be totally ignored in the existing system of electoral politics. fn fact, the political pa1iy can play a role catalyst to bring all the villagers including poorest of the poor into a common platform in which the culture of collectivism, belief on communal harmony, respect to diversity, community development. social justice, social responsibility, etc. may get the extra mileage. The sense of belonging to community rule with multi-cultural values at the Sansad level may lead to devalue the role of rural party oligarchy in the decision-making process and deliberative democratic system in West Bengal particularly in Paschim Medinipur.IndiaItem Open Access Media and regional movements: an examination of the role of print media in the hill politics since the emergence of Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha Movement in Darjeeling(University of North Bengal, 2024) Kepchaki, Jaya; Dural, RameshMedia and politics are at the edge of relationship in a functioning democracy. Despite their divergent missions, it is a symbiotic correlation. Political forces turn to the public to motivate their actions, to campaign for their ideas and to win people's trust. Media, in turn, have to inform people about politics and to exercise control over politicians when the latter perform their duties. The present study is an attempt to explore the role of the media in the movement for a separate state under the Gorkha Jana MuktiMorcha (GJMM) in the hills of Darjeeling and for the purpose of making the study more penetrating; the focus has been restricted only to print media. The study was conducted to focus the issue of the role of the print media in a regional movement. One may notice divergent views expressed and positions taken by different publications. While some of these favoured the movement, others opposed it. There is a section which has taken a kind of 'neutral' position, neither opposing nor supporting the course of action of the movement. The overall impact of this movement on the national, state and sub-state level politics has been highlighted in the media. The study elaborately historicizes the movement since its inception and points out that there have been significant contributions from scholars with regard to its historical, psychological, political, economic, ethnic and other dimensions, however, no systematic study have been made to address the role of print media in the context of the political movements in the hills of Darjeeling.The study proposes to highlight the role of the media, specifically the print media, in shaping and constructing people's perspectives on the movement. The study further elaborates the roots of political movements in the hills of Darjeeling. It highlights the significance and the emergence of major political parties in the hills, and tries to establish their role in exploring and exploiting the media in the context of the movement. The study proposes to establish that in case of the Gorkhaland movement, print media, along with other media forms was mobilized by the leadership since the inception of the movement, that is, from the colonial period in the 1920s to the 1980s and the post 2007. In the recent times, however, controversies surrounding the politics over the media itself have taken ground, with strong voices of the necessity of democratizing the media itself. These owe to multiplicity of factors like market forces, unethical turn in journalism, ideological differences, role of the state, interest of the dominant group, depleting resources, among others. Yet, media in general and print media in particular has significantly shaped the Gorkhaland movement since its inception, validating it, accelerating it and empowering it at times; and weakening it, relegating it and uprooting it at the other, thereby determining its life, course, content and contours.Item Open Access Civil society based organizations and urban environmental movements : A study of sclect civil society collective actions in North Bengal(University of North Bengal, 2024) Shome, Shubhajeet; Chakraborty, RanjitaItem Open Access Politics in the Brahmaputra Vally Since the Assam accord: A study of the significance of political economy(University of North Bengal, 2001) Kunda, Bijan Kumar; De, Soumitra.Item Open Access Politics of tribal development : organizing adivasi movements in Dooars and Terai region of North Bengal since 2007(University of North Bengal, 2023) Roy, Purnima; De, SoumitraThe term ‘Adivasi’ is derived from the Hindi language and is used to refer to the indigenous peoples of India. The term is broadly used to refer to a range of tribal peoples, such as the Santals, Mundas, Oraons, and other related peoples. The Dooars and Terai region of North Bengal is home to a large number of Adivasi peoples. The Adivasis came in this region through the colonial tea plantation and eventually settled here but gradually they became outnumbered by other immigrants as days went by. They have been marginalized and excluded from traditional power structures due to their poor economic and social status. Historically, the Adivasi communities of this region have faced extreme forms of oppression, exploitation, and discrimination. The growing sickness of tea gardens forced many, particularly the menfolk, to migrate to other states in search of other occupations making this area a point in the chain of trafficking. Lack of education and employment combined with forces of cultural assimilation and political marginalization made them look for remedy, first through NGO formation, and finally as an important sub regional political player. Our study, spread over three tribal blocks, involving both field survey with structured questions and intensive interviews of leaders, has helped understanding the Adivasi Movement represented by ABAVP as having a political context and also the consequences. The ABAVP started as a NGO in Dooars and Terai, but gradually it changed the nature of movement for the tribal people in this area. Instead of just voicing demands it emerged as a political player and negotiated with the political parties. The tribal leaders while leading the movements tried to capture the power and when the leaders achieved their goal the movement lost its militancy. The educated tribal leadership steered the movement through controlling organization. Though the ordinary tribal population participated in the movement they did not have must organizational representation. The resurgence of the Gorkhaland Movement from 2007 end onwards brought the plantations tribals of Dooars and Terai into the thick of state politics but it also made a section of tribal leaders alive to the grim threat that political splits along party line in practice meant that they must be marginalized in terms of the socio-cultural, ethnic, economic and political fronts. In these background, a very interesting shift in the region's politicsstarted taking shape after the formation of ABAVP as an NGO. During current political regime in West Bengal the tribal movement as led by ABAVP is largely institutionalized in the sense that the leaders initially sided with the movement for Gorkhaland but eventually got divided for and against the inclusion of tribal mauzas under Gorkhaland Territorial Administration. Some leaders of ABAVP have got some avenues of power through Tribal Development Board and many of the demands have been fulfilled. The movement is now institutionalized in the sense that they have taken a political turn, some aligning with regional/national parties. The research work highlighted that the economic and education condition of the people in this society are very poor. Most of the Adivasi people in Dooars and Terai live as tea garden workers. The research survey also observed that the maximum number of tribal people are fully dependent on the tea garden and live in tea garden areas of the garden quarters. It is also revealed from the study that education is important determinant for establishing a responsible and conducive healthcare regime in the region. The study shows that the Adivasi people in this region are highly illiterate. It has also been noticed during survey in different blocks that Adivasi people are not informed and updated about the govt. policies and programmes which have been implemented by the govt. ABAVP as an organization has also been subordinate to the national level and state level leadership and common local tribal population do not hold any significant position. They are not getting a chance to contest an election as a candidate; they are used as a crowd by the other leaders. Most of the Adivasis people are guided by the local leaders, and the leaders decide whom to cast their vote to, and sometimes it is done forcefully. The NGO movement in Dooars and Terai reveals a dichotomy, a contrast between groups pursuing identity-based politics and those engaged in constructive development. In this sense, the NGO provides a platform to respond to developmental needs and political assertions of the tribal front in the Dooars and Terai plantation sectors. The new leaders of ABAVP have been trying to emphasize developmental activism in place of advocacy for political activities. Nevertheless,there is a lack of clarity among the tribal people about aspects of conservation of tribal tradition and forces of assimilation, something that may be the price for political institutionalization of a tribal movement in democratic process.Item Open Access Environmental governance and women in Sikkim : a study of actors and network since 1994(University of North Bengal, 2023) Bhutia, Tseten Uden; De, SoumitraOver a decade and a half. the environmental movement in Sikkim has witnessed several changes, particularly since 1994. when Sikkim Democratic Front came to power. The objective of environmental protection remains, but the activism has committed itself to addressing many more issues. Analyzing the success or failure of the traditional method of governance, which could have been replaced by a new form of governance known as New Environmental Governance ( NEG). The new form of governance has introduced an idea of activism that has risen beyond the distinctions of class, gender, and region. The idea or participation. collaboration, and collectiveness based on selfless service and representation has emerged. Sikkim has been on a march towards sustainable development or 'Green· development, respecting the values and importance of natural resources and the lives dependent on them. For the same, various green policies have been formulated and implemented through State and Centre-led initiatives Such initiatives in a sense ha,e been accused of not being inclusive oft he aspirations and sentiments of the local population. Such an opinion is not just confined to a place like Sikkim. but activism against development projects which is seen to endanger the social. economic, and environmental spheres of the lives or the people has developed in different parts of India and the world. The rise of the people and communities affected ts not new to India. With Sikkim treading on the path of development later compared to other states of India, was said to have 'delayed development'. But the sooner the development started so did the activism against it. Over five chapters. the work revolves around the study of the nature of activism in Sikkim, which saw the rise of community. as well as groups within the community i.e., the rise of women in environmentaI governance. Different actors and their dependence on each other and their functioning through a network are studied. These actors have through their effort emphasized the intrinsic value of nature/environment. and its significance for the people of Sikkim especially the indigenous community i.e., Lepchas of Dzongu. Materializing on the idea of collective action toward a common goal, the movememt to this day continues. Along with the activism to stop the imposition or development projects; the actors through their organizations have instated various initiatives at the local level for the welfare of the community. They strive to relieve dependence on development efforts from external forces and establish self-determination and self-reliance through dependence on their own resources through indigenous efforts as well. They have initiated policies to prove to the authorities of traditional administration that the intellectual resources of the state and indigenous resources are adequate to bring about development in a region like Dzongu, which can later be taken as an example for the entire state. Such methods would have no negative repercussions on the environment and the people. They are keen on providing alternatives to development to the authorities. This work would provide a theoretical and field-based perspective on the concept of environmental governance in Sikkim. [t also presents an evaluation of the move from the administration of the enviromnent by the government: to environmental governance. and finally to NEG- New Environmental Governance. The work would gradually elaborate on the concepts and principles of environmental governance in general; the characteristics and principles of NEG: and move towards identifying the actors in governance and NEG and its interdependence which leads to network governance. A specific emphasis would be laid on the actors and networks in environmental governance in Sikkim. The success and failures of the above-mentioned methods of governance have been analyzed through the work. Governance includes the idea of independence and interdependence of actors working towards a particular goal. There needs to be a collaboration between the community organizations and the state agencies and also a com1ecrion between women as individuals and women as a part of the community. Local knowledge would have a grave impact on the preservation and conservation of the environment. Administration by the government should acknowledge and be inclusive of the contribution of the community and groups within the community for achieving effective and efficient governance. Actors participate for reasons which may vary- material or emotional reasons may cause one to participate, it would be befitting to consider that state-mediated environmental governance contains ' Arrogance, as prescribed by Ramachandra Guha, and thus makes it imperative to consider tJ1e presence and contribution of other actors in environmental governance. lt could complement the state-led initiatives and give a local and closer perspective to the governance of the environment. The nature of actors especially NGOs- Non- Governmental Organizations also differ. There are various NGOs that work under the aegis of the state government and a few NGOs which have no affiliation to the government. They function independently and apolitically with the support received from the local community, and national and international organizations with similar purposes. This work is based on the state's policy initiatives and the interaction with the organization, Affected Citizens of Teesta (ACT).Item Open Access Sports and sports policy in India since 1982 : Transformations and impact(University of North Bengal, 2023) Sharma, Shakti; De, SoumitraItem Open Access Challenges to social security : a study on the management of crisis in the tea gardens of Dooars in North Bengal(University of North Bengal, 2023) Biswakarma, Biki; Chakraborty, RanjitItem Open Access “STATE, NGO’s and Ecotourism: A Study of Select Ecotourism Projects of Sikkim(University of North Bengal, 2022) Tamang lama, Nisha; Chakraborty, RanjitaThe present study seeks to address the understanding of community-based ecotourism projects in Sikkim associated with how community-based ecotourism has been able to promote sustainable tourism and at the same time understand what has been the nature of interlinkages between the state, NGOs, and the local community in the promotion of sustainable ecotourism in the region under focus. The study also seeks to look into the degree of freedom given to the communities in planning and managing ecotourism in the context of hegemonic state-market relations in the area under focus. The present study focused on the Ecotourism Policy and the nature of the linkage between the government of Sikkim, the local NGOs, and the local community of the Ecotourism destination. We would probe the successes as well as the weaknesses of the projects and in the process address the question of how to promote and sustain community-based ecotourism. A major success has been the emergence of a community-based Non-Government Organization. NGOs have a potentially valuable role in supporting and building the capacity of local communities to participate in ecotourism programs, especially in defining the zoning and designing interpretation materials and facilities. Many NGOs have been participating in the tourism industry based on their different aims, but their major involvement has occurred within the area where tourism is linked with the local Community and environment; "community-based ecotourism''. Field trips were undertaken to study the ET projects in Sikkim. No study has focused on the conditions of the operation as well as the outcome of these projects. The present study seeks to examine Sikkim's Ecotourism Policy establishing the state as an ultimate and unique ecotourism destination offering memorable and high-quality learning experiences to visitors while contributing towards poverty alleviation and promotion of nature conservation. In Sikkim, though ecotourism projects are in operation, studies have focused on community participation and promoting conservation and sustainable development