Browsing by Author "Chakrabarti, Dyutis"

Now showing 1 - 3 of 3

Open Access
Ethnic cultural identity and the political process : a study of relationship between ethnic politics and political institutions and organizations of Sikkim
(University of North Bengal, 2007) Gurung, Suresh Kumar; Chakrabarti, Dyutis
Open Access
Participatory democracy and grassroots governance in India : a study of the nature of people's participation in gram sansads in Paschim Medinipur District, West Bengal
(University of North Bengal, 2023) Lama, Budh Bahadur; Chakrabarti, Dyutis
Dissatisfaction results from representatives acting more in accordance with party choices than with the will of the people, rather than from a lack of consistency between public aspirations and deeds. Such situations have led to the demand of popular participation in the decision making and gained a popular acceptance. Jn this context 'participatory democracy' has emerged in an attempt to recapture people's power to determine their own fate and to correct the inadequacies of representative democracy. From this point view, paticipation is democracy. The idea of participatory democracy bas been encouraged in India by guaranteeing a constitutional status (73rd Constitutional Amendment Act 1992) to the local level institutions including Gram Sabha. One of the most important provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment is setting up of Gram Sabha in the lower tier of Panchayats, known as Gram Panchayat with the adult citizens of concerned areas to ensure direct participation of ordinary rural people in local governance. Therefore, the title of the study is 'Participatory Democracy and Grassroots Governance in India: A Study of the Nature of People's Participation in Gram Sansads of Paschim Medinipur District, West Bengal' divided into seven following Gram Sansads of Paschim Medinipur District, West Bengal' divided into seven following chapters: Chapter I: Introduction This chapter consists of the statement of the problem, review of literature, objectives of the study, research questions, methodological premises, chapterisation and rationale of the study. tudy. Statement of the problem West Bengal is one of the pioneer states in India to experiment the pancbayats as governing bodies at the village level since independence and particularly after 1977. West Bengal has tried invariably to extend the process of democratic decentralisation beyond the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act (CAA). So, it has taken a step forward by making the provision for Gram Sansad apart from Gram Sabha. Gram Sabha is constituted at Gram Panchayat level and Gram Sansad at each electoral constituency or 'booth' level with all voters of the concerned constituency. By introducing Gram Sansad, it is assumed that, unlike a huge Gram Sabha with a large size population, this relatively smaUer unit will enhance the prospect of people's participation and create a truly decentralised local governing body. Ln fact, Gram Sansad is the lowest unit of the entire system of rural local self-government in West Bengal. It is the 'real soul' of village democracy. Tt is a system where all the villagers themselves are collectively their own local affairs. So, Gram Sansad is the centre of democratic power in the village and is the centre of developmental activity. It not only strengthens the process of participatory governance but also facilitates empowerment of ordinary rural people and brings the elements of transparency, accountability and social control over panchayats. It is a platform based entirely on people's voice. It has the potential to change the noise of the people into the voice of the people. However, without active and popular participation, Gram Sansads will not be able to play its real role as designed by the policy makers in the state of West Bengal. So, the potentiality of Gram Sansad is conditioned by its length of uses in the given rural environment. Therefore, the inclusive and participatory grassroots governance is still remaining a distance dream for the ordinary villagers. At the same time, tbe usefulness of this unique structure of Gram Sansad as an effective instrument to ensure decentralized decision making and participatory local government has been questioned. It has been argued that common people are not interested in the meetings/deliberations of Gram Sansads. Majority does not attend or participate in deliberations. Often people participate in meetings only to satisfy local leaders and to increase numbers. They do not raise issues. The Sansads are actuaUy guided and controlled by a small group of local leaders or a local oligarchy. fn this context, it is necessary to examine the actual functioning of Gram Sansads to capture the nature of participatory institutions oflndia's Panchayati Raj system. Whether the institutions and structures created to ensure decentralised decisions and participatory democracy, are gradually becoming only theoretical or procedural and instruments in the hands oflocal elites, is a matter that needs attention. Therefore, to probe this point, the focus of present study is on nature of participation in Gram Sansads in West Bengal, in this case particularly, Paschim Medinipur district. Objectives of the Study The chief objective of the study has been to investigate the basic issue: How far have the Gram Sansads been able to emerge at the local (village) level as an effective arrangement that ensure participatory government in villages? Or are the Sansads just another ornamental arrangement? The point is investigated in Paschim Medinipur district. There are some specific objectives or sub-objectives which try to realise main objective: 1. To study how far the objectives of Gram Panchayats as laid down by the West Bengal Panchayat (Amendment) Acts 1994 and 2003, have been implemented and achieved in Paschim Medinipur; and to examine the powers and functions of Gram Sansad in Paschirn Medinipur district. 2. To explore the nature of people's participation in Gram Sansads in Paschim Medinipur with regard to decision-making and deliberation. 3. To examine the roles of political parties in strengthening the process of people's participation in Gram Sansads in Paschim Medinipur district. Research questions There are few major research questions which are as follows. 1. ls Gram Sansad strong enough to raise the voice of the ordinary rural people in Paschim Medinipur district? 2. Do all the people fully participate in the process of governance at the Sansad level in Paschim Medinipur district? 3. Are the Gram Sabhas/Gram Sansads decision-making bodies in Paschim Medinipur district? 4. Whether Gram Panchayats are politically biased in Paschim Medinipur district? Study area and Research methods The study focuses on the Gram Sansads of the Paschim Medinipur district which is situated in tbe south-west comer of West Bengal and is adjacent to the State of Odisha in its south-west. Paschim Medinipur district was created in 2002 by bifurcating the erstwhile Midnapore district. Later, in 2017 a new Jhargram district has been created out of the western part of Paschim Medinipur district. The present work which was started before 2017, however, includes one block from the newly created Jhargram district. As per the Government of West Bengal report 2011, Paschim Medinipur district consists of 4 Subdivisions, 29 Blocks, 29 Panchayat Samitis, 290 Gram Pancbayats and 3086 Gram Sansads. But at present the district has only 3 Subdivisions. The present study being theoretical and empirical in nature has followed the review of literatures and survey methods. So, keeping in mind a fair representation of people, 20 Gram Sansads have been selected for the field study on the basis of following criteria. (i) advanced Gram Sansads and backward Gram Sansads based on poverty and human development; (ii) Gram Sansads dominated by general caste, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and Women; (iii) one party dominated Gram Sansads by Ruling party or Opposition, Gram Sansads changing hands (competitive), and Gram Sansads with no clear domination (fragmented); (iv) Gram Sansads which achieved targets and failed to achieve targets. In addition, 400 hundred villager respondents, 40 elected panchayat members, 20 party leaders from different political parties and 5 government officials including Block Development Officer (BOO) have been interviewed during the field visit. Chapter Tl: Towards Participatory Governance in India: The Evolution of Panchayati Raj Institutions Jt outlines the history of evolution of PRls in pre-independent and post-independent India. The local government may be understood as an institutional arrangement to create locally elected democratic bodies essentially accountable to the local people. The term 'participatory governance' refers to a system which includes a set of grassroots organisations such as local self-government, civil society organisations, local functional groups, and even influential individuals. Therefore, the form of grassroots democracy in India refers primarily to the constitutional provisions of the Constitution (73rd Amendment) Act and the Constitution (74th Amendment) Act and the emerging role of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRls) and Nagar Palika Institutions (NPls). Panchayati Raj is a system and process of governance at the village level. Local government is not a new phenomenon in India. Panchayat acted as a mechanism to administer justice, to settle down disputes, and to solve the day-to-day problem. It was regarded as the fundamental unit of administration and justice. The system existed in the Vedic period and is still continuing to function on the principles of decentralisation and people's participation in the decision making at the local level even after having facing lot of challenges. History of evolution of Panchayati Raj Institutions tells us that panchayats in India had to go through difficulties and complexities to reach the level where it is accepted as one of the vibrant democratic local governments in the history of grassroots governance. Gram pancbayats are the doorstep government of the people. It is really a people's government. Gram Sabha as a plate form for participation ensures people's participation in the process of decision-making and formulation of development plan at the grassroots level. People of the villages can directly participate in the system of governance. Chapter III: Gram Panchayats in West Bengal: Historical Evolution and People's Participation This chapter provides a detail about the experiments and experiences ofrural local selfgovernment in West Bengal. The chapter starts with a brief profile of West Bengal followed by the discussion on Gram Panchayats and people's participation in West Bengal with a time framework ( 1870- 1977). The chapter also contains analysis oft he feanires of tbe West Bengal Pancbayat Act of 1973 and highlights the importance of the Act of 1973 in the following stages of the rural governance in West Bengal. The chapter also discusses about the role of Gram Panchayats and the nature of People's Participation in local affairs during the Left Front regime in West Bengal; describes the position of Gram Sabha/Gram Sansad in the post-73rd Constitutional Amendment scenario; discusses the power and functions of Gram Panchayat and the natme of People's Panicipation in West Bengal in the context of present Scenario; highlights the Participatory [nitiatives and Innovations in Panchayat System in West Bengal. Chapter IV: Rural Local Self-Government in Paschim Medinipur district during Left Front Goverome-nt: Structure, Functions and people' participation Jt covers the nature of policies, institutional structures, strategies and process of people's participation in PRis under Left Front government in Paschim MedinipU1· district. The chapter begins with a brief introduction of the district undertaken for the study and it also includes the analytical aspects on the role of Rural Local Self-Government during the Left Front regime; discusses the Strnctures of the Gram Panchayats in Paschim Medinipur Ojstrict; shows the Functional difficulties and bureaucratic supremacy faced by Gram Panchayats during the Left Regime; discusses the Dominance of Party in the three-tiers of Panchayat System; examines the nature of People's Participation in the Activities of Gram Panchayats and a brief profile of Paschim Medinipur District Today. Chapter V: Nature and Extent of People's Participation in the Gram Sansads in Paschim M edinipur district This chapter contains the various tables of data. collected from the field along with data analyses. This chapter also contains the determinants of people's participation in village governance in Pasch.im Medinipur district and the characterisation of the concept of people's participation on the basis of attending meetings, raising voices on various local issues and providing comments and contributions being made by the ordinary rural people in the context local affairs. The chapter includes the socio-economic and political level of consciousness of 400 vii !age respondents (200 male and 200 female); 40 elected members of Gram Panchayats; 20 local political leaders f om different parties; and 05 government officials including BDO. Chapter VI: Power to the Gram Sansad: Awareness of Elected Panchayat Members, Local Party Leaders and Government Officials It explores the views of all the stakeholders towards whether the Gram Sansad as a participatory institution at the grassroots level in Pascbim Medinipur district or not. The chapter also includes various questions and responses of all the respondents that detennine their perceptions and awareness of the potentiality of the Gram Sansads in the district. Power to people and its enemies seems to be relatively true in connection to enabling Gram Sansads in the district. Similarly, the roles played by the elected members, local pary leaders and government officials are not encouraging in regard to evolve the Gram Sansad as a real decision-making body, participatory and deliberative village assembly in Paschim Medinipur district, West Bengal. Chapter VII: Conclusion It figures out the major findings of the research work and recommends Gram Sansad as a direct participatory democratic grassroots institution in Paschim Medinipur district in particular and in the state of West Bengal in general. Major Findings It must be mentioned that the institution of Gram Sansad provides the way of direct participation lo the villagers in the affairs of Panchayat. Gram Sansad has provided the scope for participation of ordinary rnral people in the decision-making process. Gram Sansad at the constituency level gives sufficient opportunity to the villagers to empower themselves through participation. The ideas of villagers are partly reproduced in the actions of Gram Panchayat. However, Gram Sansad is able to decrease the traditional 'patron-client relationshjp' at the village level. But in reality, Gram Sansad has been made to go about as a remote-controlled establishment by the ruling elites. This all-inescapable controlling demeanour is an impediment to develop the participatory political culture in rural society of Paschirn Medinipur. The study found that the majority of villagers do not attend Panchayat meetings and do not participate -in decisionmaking process and in the process of implementation of development programmes even at the Gram Sansad level. Few villagers who have attended the Sansad meetings with no voice or the participate the meetings as a proxy and take all the decisions. It is also found that most of these elected members are not having any knowledge about the Gram Panchayat manuals, their rights, their responsibilities. development work, old Panchayat Acts, 73rd Amendment Act and State Panchayat Act and the others due to many reasons like poor economic background, guided by party leaders. lack of proper education, lack of exposure to the world outside, lack of proper training for doing panchayat activities, lack of capacity building programmes, etc. Large number of villagers have not attended the Gram Sansad meetings. Villagers remain silent and submissive to the ruling party as they know their opinions are hardly be accepted in themeetings. No free and friendly environment for the ordinary villagers in the Gram Sansad meetings. A fear-psychosis continues in their minds if they stand for anti-ruling elites. It is found that Gram Sansad is not strong enough to raise the voices of the ordinary villagers and it is not a real decision-making body at the Sansad level. The villagers believed that Gram Sansad does not have the sufficient autonomy to take the decisions of its own due to inadequate devolution of freedom, funds, functions and functionaries. These limitations have curtailed the vertical and horizontal potential expansion of Gram Sansad as a self-governing grassroots unit at the Sansad level. So. it is unable to function as a participatory decentralized body at the Sansad level. The list of recipients of development schemes is prepared before the Gram Sansad meetings by the rural dominants. And these lists of recipients are brought by them in the Gram Sansad meetings for approval only. Indeed, negligible individuals' involvement in the Sansad 's decision-making process is not so helpful lo bring about revolutionary changes in the existing hierarchical power structure. There is no such advancement in the process of people's participation in Gram Sansad affairs and no breakthrough in the process of power devolution to Gram Sansad even after the shift in power in the State in 2011 and subsequently in the district in 2013. Rather the Grassroots self-governing institutions like Gram Sansad and Gram Unnayan Samiti are becoming weak in the areas of 4Fs (Fund, Functions, Functionaries and Freedom) under this new regime. So, as a maner of fact, the importance of institution is getting declined. People have already started attending party called meeting instead of attending Sansad meetings. The present government of West Bengal is more focused on increasing the power of rural bureaucracy instead of strengthening the elected Panchayat members capable to delivery services to the people at the village level. So, villagers are being pushed on by the State to become dependent entities on rural bureaucrats. Here villagers have to depend upon two power elites - bureaucrats and party leaders. This culture of dependency has further weakened people's body even at the Sansad level. However, villagers are still having confidence that Gram Sansad has the power to enable the villagers to fi-ame their lives as per their desires. In fact, Gram Sansad has enonnous prospect in escalating the human abilities in local self-government in Paschim Medinipur district. To conclude, Gram Sansad has the ability to emerge at the village level as an effective arrangement that ensure participatory government in villages. This can be a reality only wheo each villagers including the poorest of the poor will be recognised with dignity and given the equal share of influential engagement in Sansad affairs. And Gram Sansads should be kept free from all kinds of restraints like political, social, economy, cultural, religious, etc. Otherwise, the Gram Sansad continues to be an ornamental arrangement in the political landscape of rural Bengal. The study also recommends that lhere should be least intervention of the political party in the effective and efficient functioning of the Gram Sansads in West Bengal particularly in Paschim Medinipur district. The role of party cannot be totally ignored in the existing system of electoral politics. fn fact, the political pa1iy can play a role catalyst to bring all the villagers including poorest of the poor into a common platform in which the culture of collectivism, belief on communal harmony, respect to diversity, community development. social justice, social responsibility, etc. may get the extra mileage. The sense of belonging to community rule with multi-cultural values at the Sansad level may lead to devalue the role of rural party oligarchy in the decision-making process and deliberative democratic system in West Bengal particularly in Paschim Medinipur.India
Open Access
Politics and development of ethno-consciousness and identity : A study of the Lepchas of Darjeeling and Sikkim
(University of North Bengal, 2023) Lepcha, Pemu Tshering; Chakrabarti, Dyutis
Lepchas consider themselves to be the original inhabitants of Sikkim and Darjeeling Hills. They are known as Mutanchi Rongkup or Rongs which means ‘sons of snowy peaks’ They claim their origin from their homeland Mayel lyang i.e. ‘land of hidden paradise’. They reside mostly in the state of Sikkim and in the Hills of Darjeeling and Kalimpong. Due to the rearrangement and shuffling of the older Himalayan kingdoms, shifting and overlapping of political boundaries, they are also found in the east part of Nepal, Illam and the western part of Bhutan. Thus, today Lepchas are scattered into three territorial nation states. This work is a study on the development of ethno- consciousness and the movement for cultural identity among the Lepchas in Darjeeling and Sikkim. It seeks to establish the point that ethnicity and ethnic consciousness are connected with the notion of identity. Today, all modern societies are undergoing a distinct type of structural change due to the emergence of ethnicity. By challenging the forces of modernisation, homogenisation, globalisation, nationalism and cosmopolitan values all ethnic groups are trying to create a distinct cultural space of their own. Even modern nation states based on the principles of equality, democracy, pluralism and republicanism has sought to homogenise all ethnic pluralities. State and its administrative apparatus also shape ethnicity and group identity, as state tends to be controlled or its policies are framed in favour of the interests of the dominant group. When a particular group take control over the institutions of government policy making, it seeks to further its own interest. This leads to disproportionate distribution of state resources and causes resentment among those who have been denied benefits. Thus, the state fails to act as an instrument pursuing distributive justice. This denial of state resources and differential treatment resulting in the marginalization of the community strengthens community consciousness. It is with this background that the study of ethno- consciousness and identity of the Lepchas of Sikkim and Darjeeling becomes pertinent. Tribal identities have their roots in colonial policies that classified communities and ethnic groups, privileged some and discriminated against others. But the very identity that was previously enforced by the colonisers have increasingly internalised by the people themselves and has become a rallying point for identity assertion. Lepchas became colonised with the coming of Tibetans during the early 17th century, under the Gorkhas in the 18th century and the British during 19th century. The real problem of the Lepchas began with the arrival of British colonialism. Their religion, culture and tradition got eclipsed owing to their conversion into Buddhism, Christianity and Hinduism, with a very insignificant of them practicing animism. This has led many scholars to make the point that Lepchas are a dying race and a vanishing tribe. The work attempts to understand the political and social processes of the rise or revival of ethno- consciousness and identity among the Lepchas in Sikkim and the District of Darjeeling. The Rongs or the Lepchas as they are better known have been increasingly declaring themselves as the original inhabitants and indigenous community of Sikkim and Darjeeling Hills. The claim along with other similar claims has turned the whole geographical space and its history into a contested terrain. The study makes a historical construction of Lepcha identity through colonial narratives. It also tries to look into the historical making of a geographical space and also tries to see the relation between history and identity by making an account on the experiences of the Lepchas with different phases of colonialism. With the coming of British the condition of the Lepchas became worse. The modern governing practices initiated by the British through the establishment of a universal standardised legal system, enumeration and fixing of innumerable communities converted tribes and communities into a measurable category through census reports. In the case of Lepchas, colonial policies of encouraging immigration of Nepalese and other outsiders forced Lepchas to move to the remote and peripheral areas leading to their marginalization and vulnerable position. The post- independent state’s policy towards the Lepchas is also a continuation of the colonial state’s policies and administrative practices. State formation after independence from the British rule is characterised by some form of assimilationism and benevolent paternalism. Constitutional and legal provisions enacted for the protection and welfare of the marginalised communities led to their categorization as Scheduled Tribes by the Scheduled Tribes Order of 1950 in accordance to Article 342 of the Constitution. Provisions like reservations of seats in legislature, employment and education, right to use one’s own language for educational and other purposes including the right to conserve one’s language and culture were enumerated as part of the state’s integrationist and developmental agenda. But what is stated in the constitutional and legal provisions on the one hand and what actually has followed on the other hand has become quite different. The rupture between the constitutional provisions and the existing ground reality is on account of the divergence in the constitutional, institutional and administrative structure of the state. State and its institutions also trigger ethnic consciousness. State may be controlled by a particular ethnic group whose interest the state chooses to favour, state policies are also shaped by the advice of the leaders of such groups. Thus, the state far from remaining neutral and egalitarian ends up promoting majority ethnicism and consistently makes distinctions by classifying people and groups and sharing resources disproportionately; benefiting some groups and causing harm and denial to some others. This denial of resources and privileges heightens community and group consciousness. In the development of ethnic consciousness, a closer look into the administrative structure and position of the Lepchas within that structure should also be taken into account. Darjeeling being a district within the state of West Bengal and Sikkim being a federal state. In Sikkim, Lepchas were accorded a special BL status with the right to political representations. Being closer to the state structure and the decision-making process, Lepchas in Sikkim have been able to accrue many benefits in their favour. Various Lepcha Associations have been successfully fighting against all kinds of injustices perpetrated against the Lepcha community and have been actively involved in protecting their socio- economic and cultural rights. Beginning with the grant of official status to Lepcha language in 1977, to its introduction into the school curriculum till the post- graduate level, they have achieved significant benefits. In Darjeeling, their situation is somewhat different. Being already marginalised due the operations of colonial capitalism under British rule, the state even after independence have somehow remained indifferent to the issues pertaining the Lepcha community. They have not yet claimed the agency of reading and writing in their mother tongue even at the primary level of education. Nepali language, which is the dominant regional language have always gained the upper hand in the region. Promotion of Nepali by sidelining Lepcha language became evident when Government of West Bengal recognised Nepali as an additional official language of the district of Darjeeling in 1961. Further in 1975 Nepali language was accepted as a modern Indian language by the Sahitya Akademi and ultimately included in the 8th Schedule of the Indian Constitution. The differential treatment meted to the Lepchas of Darjeeling have further disillusioned them, which is evident from the kinds of identity assertion movements that the region has witnessed in the recent years. Development initiatives of the state with the construction of hydel power projects on rivers that are considered to be holy for the Lepchas; and upon their holy land ‘Dzongu’, their Mayel Lyang have led Lepchas from both the regions to collectively wage sustained crusades against such projects on the grounds of protecting their culture, tradition and identity. Following Barth and Smith, the work argues that through the actions of ethnic groups and their interests, boundaries are erected, dividing some people and unifying others. Thus, the emerging consciousness of an ethnic group gets accelerated when ethnic boundaries are created and maintained, when an ethnic group starts constructing their culture by reviving their forgotten pasts, myths, symbols, language, religion, memory and their ethnic history. Through a series of literary and scholastic activities, celebrations of the birth anniversaries of their heroes, celebration of traditional Lepcha festivals, customs and traditions, production of ethno- documentary films projecting the Lepcha belief in natural deities, traditions of munism and bongtheism, attempts are being made by Lepchas in reviving and restoring their historical cultural practices and thus actively involved in the politics of cultural production and cultural revivalism. Past thus becomes a resource for all ethnic groups giving them a collective identity which paves the way for ethnic political mobilization of the community. It becomes ‘political’ since ethnic boundaries are shaped not only by the members themselves but by external forces like the state and its institutions. Members from the community have been vocal in waging movements and conducting associational politics for the protection and promotion of cultural identity of the Lepchas. Thus, members of an ethnic group not only identify themselves as belonging to a particular group but are also identified by others. Ethnic identity as a constructed category also implies conscious mobilization of the people in defence of their community’s interest. The work is divided into six chapters. In the first chapter, along with the statement of the problem, an introduction to the area of study is given. With a brief theoretical insight, this chapter makes a review of all existing literature. It also gives a theoretical framework to understand the emergence of ethno- consciousness among the Lepchas of Sikkim and the hills of Darjeeling and Kalimpong. In the second chapter titled ‘Lepchas: Their Social and Cultural Profile’ attempt is made to give an account of the origin of the Lepcha tribe, their social and cultural profile; and an insider’s account about the history of the Lepchas. Language and literature, which is considered as a repository of a community’s history and culture is the next theme of this chapter. It also focusses on the literary activism and the movement for linguistic assertion among the Lepchas in response to the dominant and homogenising impulse of Nepali linguistic nationalism with the standardisation of Nepali language and literature. The third chapter is titled ‘Lepchas in Sikkim: Experience Under Namgyal Rule till The British and After’. Any work on the Lepcha tribe becomes incomplete without taking reference of the history of Sikkim, since the establishment of Namgyal kingdom in the early seventeenth century because with this began the first phase of colonisation of the Lepchas. Coming of Bhutias laid the foundation of a kingdom with a state system based on feudal order. State formation took place in entirely Tibetan- Buddhist ethos. The Sikkimese political system based on Lamaist theocracy, had many features of Tibetan feudalism; the ruler was not only the head of the state but also an incarnate lama with the responsibility to rule the subjects in accordance with the tenets of the ‘Chhos’ or the Dharma. This helped to accomplish the task of converting Lepchas into the Buddhist faith conveniently. Establishment of the Bhutia kingdom and the spread of Buddhism colonized not only the Lepchas but the entire geographical and political landscape. The chapter also gives an account of the Lepchas in the period immediately after independence in 1947. Freedom from British rule did not give them access to democratic participation and decision making. They were sandwiched between the more assertive Nepalis and the dominant Bhutia community. Since one’s ability to influence the political process also became dependent upon numbers games. The fourth chapter is titled ‘Colonial Encounter and Experiences of the Lepchas of Darjeeling since 1835’ gives an account of the Lepchas of Darjeeling from 1835. Prior to this date, Darjeeling was an intrinsic part of the kingdom of Sikkim. Thus, the colonial history of Darjeeling begins with the Deed of 1835. With the arrival of British in Darjeeling, Lepchas were subjected to the worst forms of colonialism. Taking advantage of the backwardness of the Lepchas, European missionaries converted a large number of them into the Christian faith. The chapter also discusses how Lepchas were affected due to the emergence of Nepali linguistic nationalism. Lepchas were forced to study and communicate in a new language. Their language was considered to be backward for not being able to cope with the advancements made by Nepali literature in the 1920s and 1930s. In response to such developments, attempts were made by the Lepchas in the 1920s to work for the introduction of Lepcha language at the primary stage of education since 1925s with the formation of the first Lepcha Association. The fifth chapter titled ‘Ethnic Political Mobilization of the Lepchas: Towards a Movement for Cultural Identity’ seeks to explain how ethno- consciousness and consciousness about one’s ethnic identity is followed by a set of activities aimed at political mobilisation of the community. The chapter gives an account of the organisational activities conducted by different Lepcha ethnic associations in both Sikkim and Darjeeling including Kalimpong. The chapter discusses the different ways by which Lepchas have been able to carve their differences by the creation of boundaries and boundary maintenance process. The role of external factors i.e., the political process and the political institutions that shape and determine ethnic identity is also highlighted by locating the Lepchas within the particular political structure. The last and the concluding chapter makes an attempt to provide answers to the research questions posed at the beginning of the research work. In providing answers to the questions, a comparison is made between the state administrative structures in both Darjeeling and Sikkim, by locating the experiences of the Lepchas within this administrative structure. In doing so the chapter tries to study whether state patronage or the absence of it have a bearing on the socio- economic and political. Darjeeling